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• white men, as white as “ bather, meaning the wal, and in • a large boat with two high sticks in it, with cloth upon 6 and that they rowed this boat in a manner different from the • custom of the Negroes, who use paddles. In stating this, she

made the motion of rowing with oars, so as to leave no doubt (that she had seen a vessel in the European fashion, manned

by white people.' (p. 69.) Now, upon this singular circumstance, the editor makes the following judicious remarks, grounded upon the same distrust of Amadi Fatouma's story, given in Mungo Park's Last Journey, which we expressed in our account of that publication.

• It has already been stated, that many of the slaves purchased at Tombuctoo, and brought by the Arabs across the Desert, come from countries even as far east of that city as Wangara; it is therefore not unreasonable to suppose that Kanno, mentioned in the text, may be the kingdom of Ghana, or Cano, which D’Anville places on the Ni. ger, between the tenth and fifteenth degrees of eastern longitude. Assuming this to be the fact, the curious relation of the Negro slave at Wed. Noon might afford ground to conjecture that Park had made further progress down the Niger than Amadi Fatouma's story seems to carry him, further, we mean, than the frontier of Haoussa.

• In fact, the time which intervened between Park's departure from Sansanding, and his asserted death, would abundantly admit of his having reached a much more distant country even than Ghana : for according to Isaaco and Amadi Fatouma (see Park's Second Mission, 4to. p. 218), he had been four months on his voyage

down the Niger before he lost his life; having never been on shore during all that time. This long period is evidently quite unnecessasy for the completion of an uninterrupted voyage from Sansanding to the frontiers of Haoussa : for Park was informed by Amadi Fatouma him. self, that the voyage even to Kashna (probably more than twice the distance, according to Major Rennell's positions of these places), did not require a longer period than two months for its performance. p. 141, 142.

The worst treatment experienced by Adams during his whole adventures, appears to have been at Wadinoon. He was maltreated in every way; and having refused, from some religious scruples, to kiss his master's feet upon one occasion, he was kept in irons for two months, until, being reduced to a skeleton, and expected to die, he was released to save his life. The poor mate, too, fell sick; and, being unable to work when ordered, was threatened with death, which, he said, he should prefer to dying by inches; whereupon his master, the governor's son, killed him on the spot; and his two other comrades, perpetually tormented to change their religion, at length consented, were circumcised, and set free. This rendered the lot of Adams still more insupportable, as he was the only Christian slave who re

mained, and was the subject of constant taunts and injuries. He had endured these for three days, when M. Dupuis sent an exhortation to the slaves at Wadinoon to remain firm in their religious faith, and a promise to procure their release within a month. The effect of this letter is related in rather a striking manner. One of the renegadoes heard it read apparently without emotion ; but the other became so agitated, that he let it drop out of his hands, and burst into a flood of tears.' The Vice-consul was as good as his word, and, at the expiration of a roonth, sent his agent to inform Adams that he was ransomed, and to bring him to Mogadore. He therefore left Wadinoon, after remaining there, he thinks, above twelve months; and journeyed to Mogadore, where they arrived in about a fortnight. Several details are given of this course, but they have no particular interest. On ascending a hill which gave them a view of Mogadore, and the square-rigged vessels lying in the harbour, Adams observes, that he can no otherwise de scribe the effects this sight had upon him, than by saying, he felt as if a new life had been given to him. He was taken to Fez, where he was presented to the Emperor, and thence sent to Tangier ; the American consul took charge of him, and procured him a passage to Cadiz, where he arrived on the 17th of May 1814, being three years and seven months from the time of his shipwreck; during which long period, by a rare fortune, he never had been sick a single day, except from the effect of the maltreatment he received at Wadinoon. At Cadiz he continued fourteen months as a servant or groom in the employ of Mr Hall an English merchant; and peace being restored with America, his Consul gave him an opportunity of returning home in a transport of American seamen ; but he arrived at Gibraltar two days after the vessel had sailed. He therefore worked his passage to England, and, arriving at Holyhead, begged his way in London, where he was in the utmost misery, having slept some nights in the street. He was accidentally met by a gentleman who had seen him in Mr Hall's service, and who brought him to the Office of the African Committee.

To the narrative which we have now analyzed, are subjoined, beside the notes and illustrations, the substance of which we have noticed as we proceeded, an excellent dissertation upon the internal evidence of Adams's story, already mentioned, and a valuable Appendix in two parts; one containing Information or Remarks touching the interior of Africa ; the other consisting of a Sketch of the Population of West Barbary, taken from the information of Mr Dupuis.

In the first part of this Appendix, we find a curious account of Tombuctoo and the trade of the Niger, procured in 1764 for



a governor of Senegal by an Arabic interpreter attached to a journey to Galam. It is as follows, translated from the original French.

• After many difficulties, I have at length found a man lately returned from Tombuctoo, from whom I have obtained better information of the country than from any other person. I have spoken to several merchants, who have reported some things to me, but I confide most in this last, who is lately returned, who has assured me, that the vessels which navigate in the river of Tombuctoo do not come from the sea ; that they are vessels constructed at Tombuctoo, which are sewed either with cordage or with the bark of the cocoa tree, he does not exactly know which ; that these vessels only go by tracking and by oars (or paddles).

• He says, that the inhabitants of the city of Tombuctoo are Arabs; that it is a large city, and that the houses have three or four stories. He says, that the caravans which come to Tombuctoo, come from the side of Medina, and bring stuffs, white linens, and all sorts of merchandise. That these caravans are composed only of camels, that they stop at the distance of half a league from Tombuctoo, and that the people of Tombuctoo go there to buy the goods, and take them into the city; afterwards, that they equip their vessels to send them to Genné, which is another city under the dominion of Tombuctoo, and that the inhabitants of Tombuctoo have correspondents there. The people of Genné in their turn equip their vessels, and put into them the merchandise which they have received from the people of Tombuctoo, with which they ascend the river. It is to be remarked, that the separation of the two rivers is at half a league from Genné; and Genné is situated between the two rivers like an island. One of these rivers runs into Bambarra, and the other goes to Betoo, which is a country inhabited by a people of a reddish colour, who are always at war with the Bambarras. When they go out to war against the Bambarras, they are always five months absent. After the barks of Genné have gone a great distance up the river, they arrive at the fall of Sootasoo, where they stop and can proceed no further. There they unload their salt and other merchandise, and carry them upon the backs of asses, and upon their heads to the other side of the fall, where they find the large boats of the Negroes, which they freight ; and ascend the river to the country of the Mandingoes, who are called Malins, and who are near to the rock Gouvina.' p. 195, 196, note.

The gentleman who obtained this information, says, that during his residence at Senegal, of three or four years, he was at great pains to verify it by various inquiries; and that from the result of these, as well as from his confidence in the character and talents of the person who procured it for him, he had an entire reliance upon its accuracy, It is confirmed, VOL. XXVI. NO, 52.


moreover, in some material points, by Mungo Park; nevertheless, it appears to be, in one particular, tinged with that love of the marvellous, which prevails in almost all accounts of Tombuctoo previous to the narrative of Adams. The houses are described as having three or four stories, contrary to the express and distinct statement of Adams. The account of the boats, and navigation generally, agrees completely with his, and is at variance with all the other tales, so easily invented, and so greedily swallowed, of square-rigged vessels driving a prodigious inland commerce.

The second part of the Appendix is well deserving of attention. It gives an aceount of the three races, Berrebbers, Arabs, and Moors, who inbabit Western Barbary. The first are the descendants of the original inhabitants before the Arabian conquest; their language varies in its dialects, but all of them are entirely different from the Arabic; and Mr Dupuis offers no conjectures whether or not they may be corruptions of the ancient Punic and Numidian. The Shilluh, or Berrebbers of the South, differ from the other tribes in appearance, and are distinguished by more warmth of attachment, as well as vehemence of passion. Nor are they ever known to violate the security of any person or property furnished with their protection. He relates a remarkable anecdote of this tribe.

• A Shilluh having murdered one of his countrymen in a quarrel, fled to the Arabs from the vengeance of the relations of his antagonist : but not thinking himself secure even there, he joined a party of pilgrims, and went to Mecca. From this expiatory journey he returned at the end of eight or nine years to Barbary; and, proceeding to his native district, he there sought (under the sanctified name of El Haje, the Pilgrim, a title of reverence amongst the Mohammedans) to effect a reconciliation with the friends of the deceased. They, however, upon hearing of his return, attempted to seize him; but, owing to the fleetness of his horse, he escaped and fled to Mogadore, having been severely wounded by a musket ball in his fight. His pursuers followed him thither; but the Governor of Mogadore hearing the circumstances of the case, strongly interested himself in behalf of the fugitive, and endeavoured, but in vain, to effect a reconciliation The man was imprisoned ; and his persecutors then hastened to Morocco to seek justice of the Emperor. That prince, it is said, endeavoured to save the prisoner ; and to add weight to his recommendation, offered a pecuniary compensation in lieu of the offender's lite ; which the parties, although persons of mean condition, rejected. They returned triumphant to Mogadore, with the Exuperor's order for the delivery of the prisoner into their hands: and having taken him out of prison, they immediately conveyed him wil met the walls of the town, where one of the party, loading his musket before the face of their victim, placed the muzzle to his breast

and shot him through the body; but as the man did not immediately fall, he drew his dagger, and by repeated stabbing put an end to his existence. The calm intrepidity with which this unfortunate Shilluh stood to meet his fate, could not be witnessed without the highest admiration; and, however much we must detest the blood-thirstiness of his executioners, we must still acknowledge that there is something closely allied to nobleness of sentiment in the inflexible

perseverance with which they pursued the murderer of their friend to pu. nishment, without being diverted from their purpose by the strong inducements of self-interest.' p. 214, 215.

Excepting that Berrebbers of the North are more robust than the Shilluh, ' a strong family likeness runs through all their • tribes. Their customs, dispositions, and national character

are nearly the same; they are all equally tenacious of the independence which their local positions enable them to assume;

and all are animated with the same inveterate and hereditary • hatred against their common enemy the Arab. They invari

ably reside in houses, or hovels, built of stone and timber, • which are generally situated on some commanding

eminence, • and are fortified and loop-holed for self-defence. Their usual • mode of warfare is to surprise their enemy, rather than over

come him by an open attack; they are reckoned the best ' marksmen, and possess the best fire-arms in Barbary, which • renders them a very destructive enemy wherever the country • affords shelter and concealment; but although they are al

ways an overmatch for the Arabs when attacked in their own . rugged territory, they are obliged, on the other hand, to re

linquish the plains to the Arab cavalry, against which the Ber• rebbers are unable to stand on open ground. (p. 216.)

The Arabs, the descendants of the Mahometan conquerors, are cultivators of the soil, according to their proverb, that the earth is the Arab's portion.' Their character differs from that of the Berrebber, in being more open and violent, for we presume this is the meaning of ' a more generous cast.” (p. 218.) When they have the power, they prey upon all strangers to their tribe and religion, carrying devastation and destruction wherever they go, sparing neither age nor sex, and even ripping open the dead bodies of their victims, to discover whether they have not swallowed their riches for the purposes of concealment.'

The Moors are a mixed race, if we rightly understand the author, inhabiting the towns, and descended from the Berrebbers, the Arabs, the Negroes, and the Arabs expelled from Spain. As the two former tribes are cultivators of the soil, and feeders of cattle, the latter are chiefly occupied with the pursuits of trade.

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