those countries, were done away. Free passage in American vessels was likewise allowed to the subjects of the powers at war with France, other than soldiers and sailors in the actual service of such powers. In short, all the objects to which Mr. Monroe's note of the 3d of September extended, were yielded, except that of allowing our vessels to protect enemies' goods; which point was declared to be withheld until such powers should agree that the merchandize of French citizens, in neutral vessels, should likewise be free.

Thus the business of reform, respecting our affairs with France, was commenced....but it did not end here; for, not long after, it was proposed by the above-named committee, united with that of legislation, in a report to the convention, as the part of a general system, to put in execution likewise that article of our treaty which stipulate's that free ships shall make free goods; which proposition was adopted and announced to Mr. Monroe, on the 3d of January, 1795.

Our affairs with France were now in a prosperous state. By the repeal of the decrees under which our trade was harrassed, there was an end put to complaints from that cause; and, as orders were issued for the adjustment of the accounts of such of our citizens as bad claims upon the French Republic, with a view to their payment, the prospect of retribution for past losses was likewise a good one. Our commerce, also, flourished beyond what was ever known before; for, by virtue of our

treaty with France of 1778, America was becoming the carrier of her own commodities to England and her allies. Such, too, was the friendly bias of the people of France towards us, that notwithstanding our vessels gave no protection to French property against English cruizers, nor in certain cases to the productions of the French islands turned into American property, yet we were become likewise the principal carriers of France...even the privilege of American citizenship was an object of great value to the owner, for an American citizen could. neutralize vessels, funds, &c. and thus profit int many ways by the condition of his country. In short, such was our situation with the French Republic, and with other powers, so far as depended on France, that there was but one point upon which we had cause to feel or express any solicitude; which was, that it might not vary.

But, unhappily, this state of things, so correspondent with the ancient relations of America with. France, so congenial with the public sentiments, and necessary to the public welfare, was not doomed to be a permanent one; for even whilst the proposition last above-mentioned, was depending before the convention, accounts were received from England, that Mr. Jay had concluded a treaty with that power of a very different import from his instructions, or what the French government had a right to expect.

As soon as this report reached Paris, it produced in the committee a very disagreeable sensation

in regard to America; for immediately afterwards, Mr. Monroe was applied to by that body in a letter, which stated, that they had heard of the contents of that treaty, and asking in what light they were to consider it. It happened that Mr. Monroe had received on the same day a letter from Mr. Jay, of the 25th of November, informing him, that he had concluded, on the 19th of the same month, a treaty with Great Britain, which contained a declaration that it should not be construed or operate contrary to our existing treaties, " but as it was not ratified it would be improper to publish it." Mr. Monroe, therefore, made Mr. Jay's letter the basis of his reply to the committee, adding, that although he was ignorant of the particular stipulations of the treaty, yet he took it for granted the report was altogether without foundation.

On the 16th of January, 1795, Mr. Monroe received another letter from Mr. Jay, informing him, that he proposed to communicate to him, in cyphers, the principal heads of the treaty, confidentially. Mr. Monroe being surprised at this intelligence, and not wishing to possess a copy of the treaty, if clogged with any condition whatever, wrote to Mr. Jay, by a Mr. Purviance, to that He received an answer, refusing to purpose. send him a copy of the treaty, urging, as a motive for his refusal, that America was an independent nation.

Soon after this extraordinary answer, Mr. Monroe received another letter from Mr. Jay, by Colo

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nel Trumbull, informing him that he had authorized that gentleman to communicate to him the contents of the treaty, but this proposition Mr. Monroe very properly rejected.

Colonel Trumbull, however, made a communication upon the subject of the treaty, to Mr. Hidsborn, of Boston, with a design that he should communicate the same to Mr. Monroe....in consequence of which, Mr. Monroe received it, and made of it, afterwards, all the use which a paper so informal would admit of.

About the beginning of February, 1795, Mr. Monroe received a letter from the Secretary of State, dated the 2d of December, 1794. In this letter, the Secretary takes notice of Mr. Monroe's address to the Convention, as also of his letter to the Committee of Public Safety. In the first, he charges him with having expressed a solicitude for the welfare of the French Republic, in a style too warm and affectionate....much more so than his instructions warranted. For the future, he instructs him to cultivate the French Republic with zeal, but without any unnecessary eclat. In Mr. Monroe's letter to the Committee, demanding an indemnity for spoliations, and a repeal of the decrees suspending the execution of certain articles of our treaty of commerce with France, the Secretary censures Mr. Monroe for having yielded an interest it was his duty to secure.

About the beginning of July, 1795, Colonel Humphreys, then Resident Minister of the United

States, at Lisbon, arrived at Paris, with a view to obtain of the French Government, its aid in support of our negociations with the Barbary powers. He brought no letter from the administration to the French Government, to authorize his treating with it in person, and, of course, it became the duty of Mr. Monroe, to apply in his behalf for the aid that was desired. Accordingly, he addressed a letter to the Committee of Public Safety, on the 5th of July, 1795, opening the subject to its view generally, and requesting its aid in such mode as should be agreed between them. Mr. Monroe had several conferences with the members of the diplomatic section of the Committee of Public Safety, upon the subject, as also with the Commissary of Foreign Affairs, by whom he was assured, that the aid desired should be given in the most efficacious manner that it could be. Arrangements were, therefore, taken for pursuing those negociations, under the care of Joel Barlow, and with the full aid of France, when, unfortunately, as Mr. Barlow was upon the point of embarking with our presents, intelligence was received, that a Mr. Donaldson, whom Colonel Humphreys had left at Alicante, with a conditional power, but in the expectation that he would not proceed in the business till he heard further from him, had passed over to Algiers, and concluded a treaty with that regency, and, of course, without the aid of France; which, therefore, ended our application to the French gov. ernment for its aid in support of our negociations with those powers.