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On the late F. Will, &c.-Mr. Scargill on American Peace Society. 331

the light of the world, and though for a short time we may be reviled and persecuted and our names east out and trodden under foot by ignorant and slanderous men, we shall in no case 'fail of our reward. I am, Sir,

I

SIR,

Your obedient Servant,

B. T.

Bath, June, 1816. WISH that you could furnish us with more particulars concerning the late Francis Webb, Esq. I wish therefore that Miss Milner, of Islington, would grant you her assistance. I was glad to see the mistake corrected, that he was secretary to an embassy sent to the prince of Hesse to hire troops to fight against the Americans. I knew that to be ap unfounded assertion, as he was always a most strenuous advocate for the cause of American resistance. The history of his defence against the attempt to rob him was not worth recording. Let your correspondents furnish us with matters of niore mo

ment.

Your correspondent who wishes to know where I learned Dr. Chauncey's particular doctrine concerning the successive states of oblivion of the righteous in their passing to higher degrees of glory in a future world, must be informed that I learned it in a long private conversation with himself,, which he began by saying, I must pass through many sleeps. The Dr. thought highly of my liberality, and was perhaps more open in his communications with me than with any person except his son Charles. Though we did not always agree, I always greatly esteemed and loved him.

Lord Stanhope's speech is very interesting. To make us a truly glorious nation, very many of our faws must be abolished. I have been informed of a gentleman who lived about seventy years ago at Birmingham, who in the younger part of his life was guilty of some transgressions which led him to fly into Holland: not being yet cured of his folles, he committed some acts for which he was committed to the Rasp-house, where he must either work or be

drowned: the rasping not suiting him, and he being informed that he might pursue any trade for which he was fitted, and that all his earnings beyond a weekly allowance for his

board should be regularly paid him, he chose to make a species of boxes which he learned to execute when at Birmingham. This being what his employers much approved, at the end of every week he received what he thought a considerable sum. He proceeded in this way until the time of his imprisonment expired. Being then told that he was at liberty to go where he pleased, he requested that he might be allowed to continue in the Rasp-house until he should earn a sufficiency to support himself elsewhere. His petition was acceded to, and after remaining there some years, he found himself in possession of money enough to live without labour. He returned to Birmingham and took a neat house in its neighbourhood, and, being found a thoroughly reformed and intelligent man, some gentlemen became acquainted with him, and frequently dined at his table. To them he generally related his whole history, and the circumstances which contributed to implant in his breast honesty and integrity and generosity; and he always concluded the feast with toasting the master of the Rasphouse.

If we would only study how to employ the licentious and profligate in some such way, and to impress them at the same time with the principles of true religion, we should soon see purity reign in all our island. We should no longer be shocked with accounts of murders, executions, &c. At present when we go to Morocco, we express our horror at the sight of heads of human beings in the entrances to their palaces, but forget what was seen at Temple Bar some years ago, and what is still seen in some places in the country.

The memorialist of Mr. Calamy in your last number, was very defective in not mentioning his age, his relationship to the great Calamy, his wife, and what children survive him. Many other particulars would be satisfactory to your readers.

W. H.

Bury St. Edmunds, 3d June, 1816. SIR,

Try will be happy to hear, that HE friends of peace in this counexertions are making in America for the diffusion of pacific principles. On Saturday the first of June, I received

a packet from Boston, containing some pamphlets on the subject, and a letter from the Rev. W. E. Channing. (A copy of which I herewith transmit to you.) The pamphlets, five in number, consist of "A Solemn Review of the Custom of War," a work which has been already reprinted in this country. Numbers 1, 2, and 3, of a work published quarterly, called, "The Friend of Peace." And Number 34, of a periodical publication, called, "The Christian Disciple." There also accompanied these pamphlets a printed statement of The Constitution of the Massachusetts Peace Society." (A written copy of which I also send you.) Number 1, of "The Friend of Peace," containing 42 pages, consists of "A Special Interview between the President of the United States and Omar, an Offiçer dismissed for Duelling." "Six Letters from Omar to the President, with a View of the Power assumed by Rulers over the Laws of God and the Lives of Men in making War, and Omar's Solitary Reflections. The whole reported by Philo Pacificus, Author of a Solemn Review, &c." Number 2, contains "A Review of the Arguments of Lord Kaimes in Favour of War." Number 3, "The Horrors of Napoleon's Campaign in Russia." This article is formed of extracts from Porter and Labaume; with some remarks by the Editor: it is followed by An Estimate of Human Sacrifices in the Russian Campaign." A Paper, "On Estimating the Characters of Men who have been concerned in Sanguinary Customs." "A Solemn Appeal to the Consciences of Professed Christians." And "A memorable and affecting Contrast between the peaceable Conduct of William Penn, and the opposite Behaviour of some other Settlers." In each of these, is much that is truly valuable and interesting: and I do hope that some steps may be taken for reprinting and circulating them in this country. In America, the "Solemn Review" has gone through three large editions in different states. One in Connecticut, one in New York, and another in Philadelphia-the latter amounting to twelve thousand copies, for gratuitous distribution. From Number 1, of "The Friend of Peace," I quote the Author's own words. "The writer

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has devoted six months to careful and almost incessant inquiries in relation to the dreadful custoin, its origin and popularity among Christians, its causes, principles and means of support; its tremendous havoc and miseries, its opposition to Christianity, its moral influence on nations and individuals, and the means by which it may be abolished. The more he has examined the more he has been astonished that a custom so horrible has been so long popular among Christians. For he has been more and more convinced, that it is in its nature perfectly hostile to the principles, the precepts and the spirit of the Christian religion. Ile is also confident that such light may be offered on the subject as will bring reflecting Christians of every sect to this alternative,-either to renounce Christianity as a vile imposture inconsistent with the best interests of mankind, or to renounce the custom of war as indefensible and anti-Christian." From "The Christian Disciple," I transcribe "Facts relating to the Massachusetts Peace Society." "In consequence of an arrangement made by four individuals, who are now members of the Massachusetts Peace Society, a meeting of seventeen persons took place in Boston on the eighteenth of December last, to consult on the subject of forming a Peace Society. It was the wish of the projectors of the plan to form a society on such principles as would embrace the real friends of society, without any regard to difference of opinion on other subjects whether religious or political. But it was not known how extensively the sentiments in favour of such a society had been embraced, and of course but a few persons were requested to attend. At the first meeting a committee was chosen to form a constitution, and the meeting was adjourned to the twentyeighth of the same month to be held in Chauncey place, immediately after the Thursday Lecture; at which time the committee reported a constitution, This was read, discussed, adopted, and subscribed by a considerable number of persons. The choice of officers was postponed to January 11, 1816, in the hope that the number of subscribers would be increased. The number of subscribers has indeed been increasing, and some of the officers

Mr. Scargill on American Peace Society.

have been chosen, but the list is not completed. We shall therefore defer giving the names of the officers to a future number. But we have the pleasure of stating that in the list of subscribers may be seen the names of the governor of Massachusetts, the chief justice of the supreme court, the president and several of the professors of Harvard University, twenty ministers of the gospel and a considerable number of respectable laymen." I have not now time nor room for further extracts from these very interesting publications, and I sincerely regret that I have it not in my power to give greater publicity to thein by reprinting should, however, any persous feel disposed to give their assistance towards the object, I shall be happy to hear from them, and to devote my attention to superintending the press.

Your's very respectfully,

W. PITT SCARGILL.

SIR, Boston, Feb. 12, 1816. Your letter dated June 1, 1815, which you did me the honour to address to me, was received some time ago, together with the pamphlet which you had published on the subject of War. I have deferred writing you, in the hope that I should be able to communicate to you some gratifying information in regard to the diffusion of pacific principles in this country. Before your letter reached me, the subject of War had begun to draw the attention of Christians. Some interesting pamphlets had been extensively circulated for the purpose of awakening public sensibility to the guilt and calamities of that barbarous custom; and a proposition had been distinctly made that "Peace Societies" should be established to give uniformity and energy to the exertions of the friends of peace. The prospect which your letter afforded of the formation of similar institutions in Europe, gave new animation to the author of these pamphlets, and to those who adopted his views; and the subject of a "Peace Society" continued to be agitated, until in the course of last month the desirable object was effected. Several gentlemen of Bostou and its vicinity assembled to cousider the expediency of combining their efforts for the diffusion of pacific sentiments. A degree of zeal, which the best, friends of the cause had not anticipated, was expressed, and the society was formed and organized. I enclose you the constitution, and several pamphlets which have been distributed on the subject, together VOL. XI.

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with a number of the "Christian Disciple," a work devoted to peace. These publications are chiefly from the pen of the Rev. Noah Worcester, a gentleman of great respectabity of character and distinguished by his benignaut, amiable and philanthropic spirit. He is, as you will the Peace Society, and will be happy to perceive, the corresponding Secretary of open a correspondence with you or with any gentleman or societies who have espoused the cause of peace.

In this country many of us have a strong confidence that a favourable impression can be made on the public mind. Weegard the abolition of the slave trade as a practical proof, that great and long established abuses may be resisted and extirpated by persevering and disinterested exertion; and whilst we feel that war has a strong and deep foundation in some of the principles of human nature, we believe when invigorated and directed by the light that there are other principles, which of the gospel, may and will avail to its gradual subversion. The incredulity of men as to the practicability of happy and important changes in the condition of society is certainly diminished. The idea of a more improved state of the world is no longer dismissed with a smile or a sneer as the dream of enthusiasm. It seems to be one of the characteristics of this age, that men cherish more generous hopes in regard to the human race. gard this as a most happy onien, and when combined with the predictions of revelation, and with the benevolent administration of God, it ought to awaken an unconquerable zeal in the friends of huma¬ nity.

Very respectfully,

I re

Your obedient Servant, W. E. CHANNING.

IP. Pitt Scargill.

Constitution of the Massachusetts Peace Society.

In forming a society, which it is hoped may have an extensive influence, we, the subscribers, deem it proper to make a concise declaration of our metives and objects.

We have been strongly impressed, by considering the manifold crimes and tremendous calamities of public war, and the melancholy insensibility which has been induced by education and habit, in regard to this most barbarous, destructive, and unchristian custom. Our earnest wish is, that men may be brought to view war in a just light, to see clearly its baleful inflaence on the political, moral, and religious condition of communities, and its opposition to the design and spirit of the gospel. Most earnestly do we desire that men may be brought to feel that a spirit

of conquest is among the most atrocious of crimes; that the thirst for military glory is inhuman, and ruinous; and that the true dignity and happiness of a people result from impartial justice towards all nations, and the spirit and virtues of peace. Various facts and considerations have conspired in exciting a hope, that a change may be effected in public sentiment, and a more happy state of society introduced. It is evidently the design and tendency of the gospel, to subdue the lusts and passions from which wars and fightings originate; `and encouragement is given that a time will come when the nations will learn war no more. We believe that a great majority of the people in every civilized country, when free from the delusions of party passions and prejudices, have such an aversion to public hostilities, that they would rejoice if any plan could be devised which would both secure their rights and absolve them from the burdens and sufferings of war. A late treaty of peace has suggested the practicability of such a plan, and given us an admirable lesson on the subject.

We now see, that when two governments are inclined to peace, they can make some friendly power the umpire and last resort, for settling points of controversy. For this ray of pacific light we are grateful, and we hope that it will be like "the shining light which shineth more and more unto the perfect day." This hope is strengthened by reflecting on the animating fact, that the horrid custom of private wars, which for ages desolated Europe, was finally abolished by a similar project.

Besides, it is clear that every popular custom must depend on public opinion; and we also know, from history, that many customs and usages, which were formerly considered as honourable, useful and even necessary, have since been abolished as inhuman and barbarous, and are now regarded with detestation and horror.

To the list of encouraging facts we may add, that by their late dreadful sufferings, the attention of the European nations is unusually excited to the guilt and miseries of war; and with joy we have learned that Peace Societies have been proposed, if not already established, on the other side of the Atlantic. These things not only encourage our hearts and strengthen our hands, but preclude the objection which might arise, that it is dangerous to cultivate the spirit of peace in one nation, whilst others retain the spirit of war. A co-operation in different countries is joyfully anticipated in this great work of promoting peace on earth and goodwill among men.

But above all other sources of encouragement, we contemplate the benevolent character of our heavenly Father, as displayed

We

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in the gospel of his beloved Son. there behold him as "the God of peace,' and we have a cheering hope that he will own and prosper a society of peace-makers.

It is well known that a diversity of settiment has existed among Christians on the question, whether war be not in all cases prohibited by the gospel. But we intend that this society shall be established on principles so broad, as to embrace the friends of peace who differ on this as well as on other subjects. We wish to promote the cause of peace by methods which all Christians must approve-by exhibiting with all clearness and distinctness the pacific nature of the gospel, and by turning the attention of the community to the nature, spirit, causes and effects of war. We hope that by the concurrence of the friends of peace in all nations, and by the gradual illumination of the Christian world, a pacific spirit may be communicated to governments, and that, in this way, the occasions of war, and the belief of its necessity, will be constantly dimi nishing, till it shall be regarded by all Christians with the same horror with which we now look back on the exploded and barbarous customs of former ages.

On these principles and with these hopes we adopt the following

ARTICLES.

I. The name of this society shall be The Massachusetts Peace Society.

II. The government of this society shall consist of a president, a vice-president, a treasurer, a recording secretary, a corresponding secretary, and six trustees, who shall be annually chosen, three of whom shall constitute a quorum.

III. The funds of the society shall be under the direction of the trustees, to be employed for the diffusion of light on the subject of war, and in cultivating the principles and spirit of peace. The trustees shall have power to appoint an executive committee, and counsellers to advise with the corresponding secretary, and to make regulations for the dispatch of business.

IV. Each subscriber of one dollar annually shall be a member.

V. Each subscriber of twenty-five dollars shall be a member for life.

VI. All donations to the society shall be recorded; and every donor of fifty dollars or upwards, shall be an honorary member of the society and of the board of frustees.

VII. Each member of the society shall receive one half his annual subscription in such books or tracts as the trustees shall approve, and at the lowest prices of the society.

VIII. The annual meeting of the society shall be on the last Thursday in every year; at which time reports shall be made by the trustees and treasurer.

Remarks on a Passage in the Obituary of Dr. Powell.

IX. This society will encourage the forming of similar societies in this country and in foreign countries, by the dispersion of tracts, by correspondence, and by other suitable means. They will encourage mutual aid and co-operation among all the friends of peace of every denomination.

X. Should any person become a member of this society whose residence is remote from Boston, it shall be regarded as honourable for him to encourage the establishment of a similar society in his own vicinity.

XI. No change in the objects of the society shall ever be made; but the articles may be amended, and new articles may be added as occasion shall require; provided that no alteration be made except at the annual meeting, and by the consent of two thirds of the members who may then be present.

SIR,

THO

June 8, 1816. HOUGH your Repository is not intended to contain much political discussion, yet there are some points so intimately connected with the wellbeing of mankind, that I think some of your pages may be very usefully occupied with the subject.

I have been much pleased with your correspondent, T. S.'s account of the late Dr. Powell; but there is one paragraph in the Obituary, p. 299, where, after speaking of Dr. P.'s love of liberty and popular claims, he mentions some of his own political sentiments, on which I should be much gratified by his giving some farther explanation. Your correspondent says:

"While at Edinburgh, Dr. P. was the spectator of a very stormy scene of political contention, and if he was not an actor in it, this arose from no want of zeal in favour of the party which, in his opinion, comprehended the friends of liberty and popular claims. Through life he retained the same partiality, regulated, however, and repressed by the good sense and sound judgment which he applied to all subjects. Still it may be doubted, whether he was sufficiently aware of a fact, the belief of which must be impressed on every calm and unprejudiced mind by even a superficial knowledge of history, and by a slight view of what, during the last five and twenty years, has passed under our own eyes. The fact alluded to is, that there are not in the world wise and virtuous people enough, to keep the foolish and vicious in order. One

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would imagine, that this truth is too obvious to be overlooked and too important to be neglected, and that if it was duly attended to by reformers as well as anti-reformers, it would suggest a salutary lesson of moderation to both. to restrain and check one class of It seems to be the plan of Providence crimes and delinquents y the counteraction of another. The Ovidian hemistich, ponderibus librata suis, is not more applicable to the system of the universe, and to the British constitution, than it is to the general frame of society, composed (as is the majority of it) of short-sighted, wilful and selfish human beings."

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Now I think, Sir, there cannot be a stronger argument for reform, than the fact, that there are not in the world wise and virtuous people enough to keep the foolish and vicious in order:" it shews how diligently we should strive to keep our constitution so adapted that the senate may contain the greatest possible number of wise and virtuous persons; and it appears to me a "truth too obvious to be overlooked and too important to be neglected," that it is impossible such should be the case so long as seats in parliament are bought and sold like stalls in a fair, which must necessarily lead to a great deal of corruption, and have a tendency to fill the senate with men who are more anxious to fill their own coffers, than to promote the general benefit and good order of society.

I think the last twenty-five years which have passed under our own eyes, have clearly shewn how very impolitie it is to neglect the people's voice till too late, when the whole fabric of society may be destroyed in attempting to bring about a reform, which, if attended to as the times demanded, would have had a gradual and very salutary operation. All history shews, and more particularly the last two years, how very unfit kings and their ministers are to have the management of affairs entirely at their disposal, without the beneficial influence of the peo ple, expressed through a constitutional representation; which is, I believe, the best method that can be devised of collecting together "wise and virtuous people enough to keep the foolish and vicious in order:" for I suppose no person will contend, at this time of day, that courts or congresses are less liable to be infected with vice and

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