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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1846, by

ALBERT BARNES, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.



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Chap. III. Slavery in the time of the Patriarchs


Meaning of the words denoting servitude in the Scriptures 64

Chap. IV. Slavery in Egypt


I. The resemblance between the servitude of the Hebrews in

Egypt and slavery now


II. Whether the interposition of God, in that case, was such as

to make it proper for us to derive any conclusions as to his

will in regard to slavery.


CHAP. V. The Mosaic Institutions in relation to Servitude. 105

$1. What the argument which is relied on is

$2. What the Mosaic institutions in regard to servitude were 112

$3. Comparison of the Mosaic institutions in relation to slavery

with those existing in the United States


+Chap. VI. Hebrew Servitude in the time of the Prophets


1. The inquiry in regard to the condition of the native in-

habitants of the land of Palestine


2. There was no foreign traffic in slaves


3. The prophets felt themselves at liberty to animadvert upon

the injustice of slavery, &c. &c.


CHAP. VII. The relation of Christianity to Slavery


1. There is no evidence that Christ himself ever came in con-

tact with slavery


II. The manner in which the apostles treated the subject of



§ 1. They found it in existence when they organized churches

out of the limits of Judea


$ 2. The apostles did not openly denounce slavery as an

evil, or require that those who were held in bondage

should be at once emancipated


$ 3. The question whether the general conduct of the apos-

tles is consistent with the belief that they approved of

slavery and desired its perpetuity


The case of Onesimus, the servant of Philemon 318

+$4. The principles laid down by the Saviour and his apos-

tles, are such as are opposed to slavery, and if carried

out would secure its universal abolition



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The subject of slavery is one in which all men have an interest, and which all have a right to discuss. It pertains to a great wrong done to our common nature, and affects great questions relating to the final triumph of the principles of justice and humanity. Wherever wrong is done to any human being, there is no improper interference if the conviction is expressed by any other one. Wherever principles are held which have a tendency to produce or perpetuate wrong, it is a right which all men have, to examine those principles freely. The race is one great brotherhood, and every man is under obligation, as far as he has the ability, to defend those principles which will permanently promote the welfare of the human family.

These obvious principles have a peculiar applicability to our own land. Our country is one. What promotes the honour of one portion of the nation, promotes the honour of the whole ; what is dishonourable, in like manner pertains to all.

Pre-eminently, the subject of slavery pertains to the republic, as such. There are no interests of our common liberty or religion which are not affected by it; there is nothing which our fathers valued, and which we have been taught to prize, no principles of justice, or humanity, or equal rights, or industry, or morals, which are not more or less affected by this institution. If it be a good institution; if it be in accordance with the divine arrangements for the welfare of society, it is the duty of every man to defend it, and to seek its extension in the world. If it be contrary to the principles of the Bible, and if its tendency be evil, he is under no less obligation to


lift up his voice on this subject, and to do whatever he can, that truth and justice may prevail. Every 'citizen at the North whose situation is such, or who has secured such a reputation that his arguments will receive respectful attention, owes a duty to his Southern brethren which he should not fail to discharge, and should not die without giving utterance, in the best way he can, to his convictions on the subject of American slavery. It may be little that the testimony of any one individual can accomplish, but by the accumulation of numerous testimonies, and the multiplication of appeals and arguments, the conviction may gain ground all over the nation that slavery is wrong, and the means may be devised for its entire removal. As one having a common interest in whatever affects the welfare of my country, in the prevalence of true religion, and in opposing whatever seems to me to militate against the gospel, I desire to discharge this portion of my duty to my generation, however humble my individual influence may be, and to record my convictions on a subject of so much concern to our whole land.

The work which is now submitted to the public, is limited to an examination of the Scripture argument on the subject of slavery. This is done because this seems to me to be the most important department of the general argument respecting slavery, and because it better falls in with my whole studies and habits of investigation than any other question pertaining to it. There are questions in regard to the general subject-its relations to agriculture and commerce ; its political bearings; its influence on the means of national defence and security, and kindred topics, which I do not feel competent to examine, and which can be much better pursued by those who are familiar with the science of political economy than by one whose studies have had a different direction. To a man, however, who has spent more than twenty years in an almost exclusive study of the Bible, it may be permitted to examine the teachings of that book

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