word is correctly translated to express a term of consanguinity; and we think he will abandon the idea that ahotha, in the passage before us, means sister; and if not, the sentence stands a clear, indisputable, and general condemnation of polygamy.

Can Dr. Channing's disciples point out to us a law allowing polygamy in as direct terms as the following would have done, substi tuting the word wives for slaves?

"Thy wives which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are round about you: of them shall ye buy wives." "Moreover, of the children of the strangers that sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy wives"-" and of their families that are with you, which "And they beget in your land, and they shall be your wives." ye shall take them as wives for your children after you, and they shall have them for wives"-" they shall be your wives for ever.' Compare Lev. xxv. 44, 46.

Until they can do so, until they shall do so, we shall urge their not doing it as one reason why the Scripture "cannot be used to stock our houses with wives as well as with slaves."

LESSON X.

DR. CHANNING says, page 101, vol. ii.

"Slavery, at the age of the apostle, had so penetrated society, was so intimately interwoven with it, and the materials of servile war were so abundant, that a religion, preaching freedom to the slave, would have shaken the social fabric to its foundation, and would have armed against itself the whole power of the state. Paul did not then assail the institution. He satisfied himself with spreading principles which, however slowly, could not but work its destruction. * * * And how, in his circumstances, he could have done more for the subversion of slavery, I do not see."

May we request the disciples of Dr. Channing to read the chapter on "Slavery," in Paley's Moral and Political Philosophy, and decide whether the above is borrowed in substance therefrom. And we beg further to inquire, whether it does not place Paul, considering "his circumstances," in an odious position? What, Paul satisfying himself to not do his duty! What, Paul shrink from assailing an institution because deeply rooted in power and sin!

What, Paul, the apostle of God, fearing, hesitating, failing to denounce a great sin, because it was penetrating through and intimately interwoven with society!

Why did he not manifest the same consideration in behalf of other great sins? Would it not be an easier and more rational way to account for his not assailing slavery, by supposing him to have known that it was the providence of God, in mercy, presenting some protection to those too degraded and low to protect themselves? If such supposition describes the true character of the institution of slavery, then the conduct of Paul in regard to it would have been just what it was. Paul lived all his life in the midst of slavery; as a man among men, he had a much better opportunity to know what was truth in the case than Dr. Channing. But as an apostle, Paul was taught of God. Will the disciples of Dr. Channing transfer these considerations from St. Paul to the Almighty, and say that he was afraid to announce his truth, his law, then to the world, lest it should stir up a little war in the Roman Empire? In what position does Dr. Channing place Him, who came to reveal truth, holding death and judgment in his hand!

"Now they have known that all things whatsoever thou hast given me are of thee: For I have given unto them the words which thou gavest me; and they have received them." John xvii. 7, 8.

"I take you to record this day, that I am pure from the blood of all men, for I have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of God." Acts xx. 26, 27.

"God forbid: yea, let God be true, but every man a liar." Rom. iii. 4.

But we propose to the disciples of Dr. Channing an inquiry: If he could not see how St. Paul in his circumstances could have done more for the subversion of slavery, why did he not take St. Paul for his example, and suffer the matter to rest where St. Paul left it? For he says, vol. iii. page 152-"It becomes the preacher to remember that there is a silent, indirect influence, more sure and powerful than direct assaults on false opinions." Or was he less careless than St. Paul about stirring up a servile war, and of shaking our social fabric to its foundation? Or did the doctor's circumstances place him on higher ground than St. Paul? Had "this age of the world" presented him with new light on the true interpretation of the Scriptures? Had the afflatus of the Holy Spirit commissioned him to supersede Paul as an apostle? Are we to expect, through him, a new and improved edition of the

gospel? And is this the reason why an argument drawn from the Old Edition now "hardly deserves notice?"

Dr. Channing says, vol. ii. p. 104-"The very name of the Christian religion would have been forgotten amidst the agitations of universal bloodshed." Is then the Christian religion a fabrication of men? Was Christ himself an impostor? And could Dr. Channing loan himself to such a consideration?

"Upon this rock I will build my church: and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it." Matt. xvi. 18.

LESSON XI.

66

THE sixth position in the treatise under consideration is, "I shall offer some remarks on the means of removing it." His plan is, page 108-" In the first place, the great principle that man cannot rightfully be held as property, should be admitted by the slaveholder."

Dr. Channing seems to suppose that his previous arguments are sufficient to produce the proposed admission.

Page 109. "It would be cruelty to strike the fetters from a man, whose first steps would infallibly lead him to a precipice. The slave should not have an owner, but he should have a guardian."

We take this as an admission that the slave is not a fit subject for freedom. But he says

Page 110. "But there is but one weighty argument against im mediate emancipation; namely, that the slave would not support himself and his children by honest industry."

Dr. Channing's plan in short is, that the names, master and slave, shall be exchanged for guardian and ward; but he awards no compensation to the guardian ;—that the negro shall be told he is free; yet he should be compelled to work for his own and his family's support;—that none should be whipped who will toil "from rational and honourable motives."

Page 112. "In case of being injured by his master in this or in any respect, he should be either set free, or, if unprepared for liberty, should be transmitted to another guardian."

Dr. Channing proposes "bounties," "rewards," "new privileges," "increased indulgences," "prizes for good conduct," &c.,

as substitutes for the lash. He supposes that the slave may be "elevated and his energies called forth by placing his domestic relations on new ground.' "This is essential; we wish him to labour for his family. Then he must have a family to labour for. Then his wife and children must be truly his own. Then his home must be inviolate. Then the responsibilities of a husband and father must be laid on him. It is argued that he will be fit for freedom as soon as the support of his family shall become his habit and his happiness.”

Page 114. "To carry this and other means of improvement into effect, it is essential that the slave should no longer be bought and sold."

Page 115. "Legislatures should meet to free the slave. The church should rest not, day nor night, till this stain be wiped away."

We do not choose to make any remark on his plan of emancipation; we shall merely quote one passage from page 106:

"How slavery shall be removed is a question for the slaveholder, and one which he alone can answer fully. He alone has an intimate knowledge of the character and habits of the slaves."

In this we fully concur; and we now ask our readers, what does Dr. Channing's confession of this fact suggest to their minds?

Dr. Channing's seventh proposition is, "To offer some remarks on abolitionism." The considerations of this chapter are evidently addressed to the abolitionists, with which we have no wish to interfere. There are, however, in it, some fine sentiments expressed in his usual eloquent style.

The eighth and concluding subject is, "A few reflections on the duties of the times." These reflections, we are exceedingly sorry to find highly inflammatory; they are addressed alone to the Free States. We shall present a few specimens. They need no comment: there are those to whom pity is more applicable than reproof.

Page 138. "A few words remain to be spoken in relation to the duties of the Free States. These need to feel the responsibilities and dangers of their present position. The country is approaching a crisis on the greatest question which can be proposed to it; a question, not of profit or loss, of tariffs or banks, or any temporary interests; but a question involving the first principles of freedom, morals, and religion."

Page 139. "There are, however, other duties of the Free States,

to which they may prove false, and which they are too willing to forget. They are bound, not in their public, but in their individual capacities, to use every virtuous influence for the abolition of slavery."

Page 140. "At this moment an immense pressure is driving the North from its true ground. God save it from imbecility, from treachery to freedom and virtue! I have certainly no feelings but those of good-will towards the South; but I speak the universal sentiments of this part of the country, when I say that the tone which the South has often assumed towards the North has been that of a superior, a tone unconsciously borrowed from the habit of command to which it is unhappily accustomed by the form of its society. I must add, that this high bearing of the South has not always been met by a just consciousness of equality, a just self-respect at the North. * * * Here lies the danger. The North will undoubtedly be just to the South. It must also be just to itself. This is not the time for sycophancy, for servility, for compromise of principle, for forgetfulness of our rights. It is the time to manifest the spirit of MEN, a spirit which prizes, more than life, the principles of liberty, of justice, of humanity, of pure morals, of pure religion."

Page 142. "Let us show that we have principles, compared with which the wealth of the world is as light as air. * * * The Free States, it is to be feared, must pass through a struggle. May they sustain it as becomes their freedom! The present excitement at the South can hardly be expected to pass away without attempts to wrest from them unworthy concessions. The tone in regard to slavery in that part of the country is changed. It is not only more vehement, but more false than formerly: once slavery was acknowledged as an evil; now, it is proclaimed to be a good."

Page 143. "Certainly, no assertion of the wildest abolitionist could give such a shock to the slaveholder, as this new doctrine is fitted to give to the people of the North. * * * There is a great dread in this part of the country that the Union of the States may be dissolved by conflict about slavery. * * * No one prizes the Union more than myself."

Page 144. "Still, if the Union can be purchased only by the imposition of chains on the tongue and the press, by prohibition of discussion on the subject involving the most sacred rights and dearest interests of humanity, then union would be bought at too dear a price."