pretty certainly at eight millions; of which sum one quarter is spent in law expenses and the expenses of removal. Now, since the main evil of the present system lies in its action upon the moral and social condition of the people, it is of far more importance towards a just comparison of our present state with our state in any former period-to determine the proportion of the population which receives support than the proportion of the national income which is received. Taking then the period of the revolution in 1688 for one term in the comparison and the present year as the other, we shall find that in the former period there were, according to the calculation of Gregory King, (approved by Davenant and checked by a variety of collateral evidence,) four hundred thousand families in a state of pauperism: now, if we assign three persons and a quarter to each family (a remarkable low estimate) we shall obtain a total of thirteen hundred thousand for the number of those who at that day received parish assistance. To these are to be added a vagrant population estimated by King at thirty thousand; many of whom drew parish allowances, and all of whom (especially the gypsies) burdened the landed property more or less. The total number of paupers therefore in 1688, according to a low calculation, exceeded a million by three hundred and thirty thousand the total number in 1818 fell short of a million by one hundred thousand. So much for the absolute number: now then for the relative number; that is, the number in relation to the whole population. It was in the reign of Charles the Second that the national attention was first excited to political arithmetic; and, if the speculations of that day are sometimes bottomed upon narrow principles, they are at any rate distinguished for accuracy of detail; and among them more especially was King so distinguished. Now this writer computes the English population in 1688, at one million three hundred and forty-nine thousand, five hundred and eighty-six families; that is, allowing an average of 4-one-thirteenth head to a family, five million, five hundred thousand, five hundred and twenty souls. England not being then united with Scotland, this estimate of course includes only England proper and the princi pality of Wales. In 1818 we deem it lawful to assume the population of the same parts of the island as full equal to eleven millions; i. e. as just double. With these totals of population_compare their respective proportion of paupers; and it will appear that the paupers constituted not much less than a fourth part of the whole nation in 1688, and something less than a twelfth part in 1818. De duct about one hundred and eighty thousand persons from the population in 1688, and the paupers will be just the fourth part. And on the popula tion of 1818 there is a surplus of two hundred thousand towards reducing the proportion to a thirteenth. Taking however the present population at only ten millions, eight hundred thousand; then we may say that at this day every twelfth person receives parish assistance, whilst at the revolution nearly every fourth person received parish assistance. And be it observed that, if you transfer the question from persons to families, then the proportion becomes very considerably more than one-fourth, and nearer to one-third.→→→ About eight twenty-sevenths is obviously the true proportion. With respect to the proportion of the national income which was employed at each period upon the support of paupers, we shall not here discuss that point; because in order to support our positions, we should find it necessary to anticipate some elaborate calculations which will be introduced more properly into a regular disquisition than into a slight notice such as this; moreover we have not at present space sufficient for the purpose. Generally, however, we shall remark that these four hundred thousand families drew their chief support from the poor rates, and from charitable funds; in short, they lived chiefly upon charity, the major part of which was drawn from the landed property. Now the yearly expense of the very poorest family (of 3 heads) was, at the Revolution, seven pounds six shillings and three pence (or forty-five shillings a-year for each person). Three hundred thousand pounds of the whole sum necessary for all the paupers was sup posed to be raised by the accidental charities in the streets and at doors.” The sum so levied fell perhaps less upon the landed interest than any other: but this sum was no doubt all 66 absorbed by the more luxurious way of living common amongst street vagrants; even the rural vagrants were supposed to spend four pounds a head annually. Deduct however one-third of the money raised by casual almsgiving from the total sum necessary on account of paupers, and it may be safely affirmed that five-sixths of the remainder fell upon the landed property. In 1688, from every testimony, there is sufficient ground for assuming (with Davenant) the total landed rental of England to be fourteen millions; and the total aggregate income of England from all sources to be forty-four millions. We shall not hesitate to affirm that the aggregate income of Great Britain at this day is 6 times greater than the income of England in 1688. And, as to the territorial revenue of England (including all that properly comes under that name) as distinct from the commercial revenue, &c.,-it was valued at the end of the last century as high as 7 one-seventh times greater than the landed rental of 1688; and that too, exclusively of mines and forests. The sum of eight millions therefore, how ever large a sum absolutely, is no ways disproportionately large in relation to the fund from which it arises. In the first years of the reign of George I., a full century ago, the paupers were fifteen hundred thousand; and they were supposed to cost annually in direct poor-rates (including occasional charities) twenty shillings a head upon an average. The landed rental is now six times the amount of that in 1715-20. But the poor rates are certainly not six times the amount of the poor rates in 1715-20. That the poor rates bear heavily upon the landed property must be admitted: that they bear more heavily than in remote periods certainly does not appear. Moreover, two out of the eight millions raised are spent, not upon the poor, but in defending the rights and claims of parishes arising out of the law of settlement, &c.; or upon removal of paupers to remote parishes. This last expense is necessarily increased by our modern facilities for travelling, which encou→ rage people to emigrate in connexion with the attractions held out by the manufacturing districts: and both this and the law expenses may increase, and have increased, without implying any proportionate increase in pauperism or in its causes. MISSION FROM CAPE COAST CASTLE TO ASHANTEE." WHILE we are so often called upon in this wordy age, to admire books more for the language than for the information they contain, it sometimes happens, that the interesting facts communicated greatly surpass both the style and the temper, which accompany their disclosure. This, indeed, is more especially and frequently the case in travels. Scholars are seldom found out of their own country, and the few that are active enough to peregrinate, may yet lack the needful courage of authorship. Mr Bowdich, on the contrary, has no such fears. He has no distrust whatever of his own cleverness. With little knowledge of composition, he is perpetually aiming at fine writing; and the very great interest we have felt in perusing his volume, has been most provokingly abated by his gaudy verbiage and eternal egotism. This vanity, ridiculous enough when confined to mere personal pretensions, becomes doubly offensive in assuming the tone of pompous and malevolent censure. We see no earthly reason why Mr James, the superior of the mission, should be held up by Mr Bowdich to public and most invidious remark. That the governor of Cape Coast Castle did not think meanly of Mr James's qualifications, is abundantly evident, from his letter of instructions to that gentleman, in which he says: “I have every reason to believe, that from your long experience in this country, and your knowledge of the manners and habits of the nations, it (the embassy) will terminate in a manner highly creditable to yourself, and eventually prove of the greatest importance to the commercial interest of Great Britain." Mr Bowdich, it appears from the same letter, was merely sent to make scientific observations. Scarcely, however, had they commenced their journey towards Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee; with a Statistical Account of that Kingdom, and Geographical Notices of other parts of the Interior of Africa. By T. Edward Bowdich, Esq. Conductor, 4to. London, Murray. 1819. Ashantee, before the ambition of Mr Bowdich breaks out in very captious complaints against Mr James. He is always accused of being last upon the route; and this is mentioned, not with the indifferent feeling which such a trivial matter might demand, but with angry and magisterial reprehension. Mr James may have deserved some portion of blame, and perhaps was really wanting in firmness in managing the palavers with these irritable and untractable Ashantees; but still, we cannot condemn him wholly with out having his own statement of the case. At all events, we do not hesitate to pronounce Mr Bowdich's conduct arrogant and ungenerous to his fellowenvoy and superior officer. The narrative, moreover, did not need this obtrusion of personal squabbles. It was quite enough for the public to know, that Mr Bowdich superseded Mr James. Here we shall dismiss the subject of the author, and proceed to a far more grateful task-the detail of the valuable and interesting information af forded us in his volume; not, however, without adding, that we think his arrangement very immethodical. Bosman and Barbot mention the Ashantees as first heard of by Europeans, about the year 1700. In 1807, an Ashantee army reached the coast for the first time; again in 1811, and a third time in 1816. These invasions inflicted the greatest miseries on the Fantees. Famine followed these devastations, and even Cape Coast Castle was much endangered by the long blockade of the last inroad. The African committee authorized the local government to venture an embassy towards conciliating so powerful a monarch as the king of Ashantee. In consequence of which, the mission in question was despatched. It consisted of Mr James, conductor; Mr Bowdich; Mr Hutchison, writer; and Mr Tedlie, surgeon; accompanied with Ashantee guides, and other suitable attendants. The mission left Cape Coast Castle on the 22d of April 1817. The Fantee country, through which it first passed, is fruitful in its soil, and often picturesque in scenery, but still suffering and desolate from the depredations of its enemies. The face of the country, however, improved, when the mission left Mansue, the last of the Fantee towns. Prasus, the first town in the Assin territory, presented a wide and clean street of tolerably regular houses; the inhabitants, cheerful and clean, hospitably saluted the mission. The first Ashantee croom, (village) was Quesha; after quitting which, the party arrived at Fohmannee, once a very considerable town. The mission stopped there, at the request of a venerable old man, who regaled his guests with palm wine and fruit. His manners were pleasing. His life, however, was forfeited to some superstitious observance. He conversed cheerfully, congratulated himself with seeing white men before he died. His head arrived at Coomassie the day after the mission had reached that place! At Dadawasee there was a messenger from the king, expressing his regret that the mission had come up in the rainy season;-his majesty sent them a present of a sheep, forty yams, and two ounces of gold. The mission entered Coomassie, (capital of Ashantee,) on the 19th of May. It passed under a fetish, or sacrifice of a dead sheep, wrapped up in red silk, and suspended between two lofty poles. It was met by upwards of 5000 people, chiefly warriors, with the discordant din of horns, drums, rattles, and gong-gongs; an incessant discharge of musketry, and a confusion of flags, English, Dutch, and Danish. The dress of the captains was a warcap, with gilded rams'-horns projecting in front, and the sides extended by immense plumes of eagle feathers. Their vest was of red cloth, covered with fetishes, or chains in gold and silver, intermixed with small brass bells, the horns and tails of animals, shells, and knives, long leopard tails hung down their backs. They wore loose cotton trowsers, with immense boots of dull red leather, and fastened by small chains to their cartouch or waist-belts. A small quiver of poisoned arrows hung from the right wrist, and they held a long iron chain between their teeth, with a scrap of Moorish writing affixed to the end of it. A small spear was in the left hand, covered with red cloth and silk tossels. Their black countenances heightened the strange effect of this attire, and completed a figure scarcely human. The streets through which the mission passed towards the palace, were crammed with people, all impatient to behold white men for the first time, Caboceers (chief magistrates) passed by with their trains, and the bands of music, composed chiefly of horns and flutes, played with some degree of concert and wild melody. Large umbrellas, made to rise and sink from the jerkings of the banners, and fans waving around, refreshed the air, almost suffocating, from a burning sun and clouds of dust. A most inhuman spectacle then presented itself. It was a man whom they were tormenting previous to sacrifice. His hands were pinioned behind him, a knife was passed through his cheeks, to which his lips were noosed like a figure of 8; one ear was cut off and carried before him, the other hung to his head by a small bit of skin; there were several gashes in his back, and a knife was thrust under each shoulder-blade; he was led, with a cord passed through his nose, by men disfigured with immense caps of shaggy black skins. On the arrival of the mission to an audience of the king, massy gold ornaments glistened in every direction. More than an hundred bands burst forth at once, with the peculiar airs of their several chiefs. The umbrellas, or canopies, were made of the most shewy cloths and silks, and crowned at the top with crescents, pelicans, &c. The state hammocks were raised in the rear; the cushions and pillows were covered with crimson taffeta, and the richest cloths hung over the sides. The king's messengers, with golden breast-plates, made way for the mission, preceded by the canes and the English flag. The caboceers, with their principal attendants, wore Ashantic cloths of extravagant value, from the costly foreign silks, which had been unravelled to weave them into all the varieties of colour and pattern. They were large and heavy, and thrown over the shoulder like the Roman toga; a small silk fillet encircled their temples. Some wore necklaces of aggry beads, or of massy gold intricately wrought. A band of gold and beads encircled the knee, (knights of the garter, we presume!) small circles of gold, like guineas, rings, and casts of animals, were strung round their ancles; their sandals were of green, red, and delicately white leather; manillas and rude lumps of rich gold dangled from their left wrists, which were so heavily laden as to be supported on the head of some of their handsomest boys; golden and VOL. V. silver pipes and canes dazzled the eye in every direction; wolves and rams' heads, as large as life, and cast in gold, hung from their swords' handles, the blades of which were shaped like round bills, and were rusted in blood; their large drums were braced about with the thigh-bones of their enemies, and ornamented with their skulls. Behind the chairs of the chiefs stood their handsomest youths, habited much in the same costly style. Finely-grown girls stood behind the chairs of some, with silver basins. Their stools (laboriously carved, and with two large bells attached to them) were conspicuously placed on the heads of favourites; and crowds of younger boys were seated around flourishing elephant's tails, curiously mounted. The warriors sat on the ground close to these. Their caps were made of the skin of the pangolin and leopard, the tails hanging down behind; their cartouch belts (composed of small gourds) were embossed with red shells, with small brass bells hung to them; on their hips and shoulders was a cluster of knives. Iron chains and collars dignified the most daring, who were prouder of them than of gold. The sides of their faces, and also their arms, were curiously painted in long white streaks, having the appearance of armour. The sight of the Moors afforded the first general diversity of dress. There were seventeen superiors arranged in large cloaks of white satin, richly trimmed with_spangled embroidery; their shirts and trowsers were of silk, and their large turbans of white muslin were studded with borders of variegated stones; their attendants wore red caps and turbans, and long white shirts, which hung over their trowsers. As the mission passed, they (the Moors) slowly, and with most malignant scowl, raised their eyes from the ground. In pass ing the principal officers of the king's household, the chamberlain, the goldhorn-blower, the captain of the messengers, the captain for royal executions, the captain of the market, the keeper of the royal burial ground, and the master of the band, sat, surrounded by a retinue and splendour, that bespoke the dignity and importance of their offices. Before the cook was displayed a large quantity of massy silver plate, punch-bowls, waiters, coffee-pots, tankards, and a very large vessel with Ꮓ heavy handles and clawed feet, made apparently to hold incense. There was a Portuguese inscription on one piece, and the regalia seemed for the most part of that country's manufacture. The executioner, of gigantic size, wore a massy gold hatchet on his breast; and the execution-stool was held before him, clothed in blood, and partly covered with a caul of fat!! The king's four linguists were encircled with corresponding splendour, and their insignia, gold canes, were elevated in all directions tied in bundles like fasces. The blow-pan, boxes, scales, and weights of the keeper of the treasury, were of solid gold, and ostentatiously displayed. The manners of the king were majestic, yet courteous. He did not allow surprise to ruffle for a moment the composure of the monarch. He appeared to be about thirty-eight years of age, of a benevolent countenance, and inclined to corpulence. He wore a fillet of aggry beads about his temples, and had on a necklace of gold cock-spur shells strung by their largest ends, and over his right shoulder a red silk cord, suspending three sapphires cased in gold; his bracelets were the richest mixture of beads and gold, and his fingers were covered with rings; his cloth was of a dark-green silk; a pointed diadem was elegantly painted in white on his forehead, also a pattern resembling an epaulet on each shoulder, and an ornament like a full-blown rose, one leaf rising above another, till it covered the whole of his breast; his kneebands were of aggry beads, and his anclestrings of gold ornaments of the most delicate workmanship, small drums, sankos, stools, swords, guns, and birds clustered together; his sandals of a soft white leather, were embossed across the instep band, with small gold and silver cases of sapphires. He was seated on a low chair, richly ornamented with gold; he wore a pair of gold castanets on his finger and thumb, which he clapped to enforce silence. The belts of his guards behind his chair were cased in gold, and covered with small jaw-bones of the same metal. The elephants' tails, waving like a small cloud before him, were spangled with gold. His eunuch presided over these attendants, wearing only one massy piece of gold about his neck. The royal stool, entirely cased in gold, was displayed under a splendid um brella, with drums, sankos, horns, and various musical instruments, cased in gold; large circles of gold hung by scarlet cloth from the swords of state, the sheaths, as well as the handles of which were also cased; hatchets of the same were also intermixed with them; the breasts of the ocrahs and various attendants were adorned with large stars, stools, crescents, and gossamer wings of solid gold. The mission paraded through this blazing scene, and was seated under a tree at some distance, to receive the compliments of the whole train. The chiefs dismounted when they arrived within thirty yards distance; their principal captains presented them with gold handed swords, a body of soldiers followed with their arms reversed; then came their bands and gold canes, pipes, and elephants' tails. The chief, with a small body-guard, under his umbrella, was generally supported around the waist by the hands of the favourite slave, while captains shouted close to his ear his warlike deeds and powerful epithets, (strong names,) which were reiterated with stentorian voice by the surrounding multitude. The young caboceers, many not more than five or six years of age, overweighed by ornaments, were carried in the same style. Amongst others, the grandson of Cheeboo was pointed out, whom the king had generously placed on the stool (throne or inheritance) of his perfidious enemy. A band of fetish men, or priests, wheeled round and round as they passed, with surprising velocity. Manner was as various as ornament. Some danced by with irresistible buffoonery, some with a gesture of defiance. One distinguished caboceer performed the war-dance before the mission with a large spear, which grazed them at every bound he made; but the greater number passed by with order and dignity, some slipping one sandal, some both, some turning round after having taken each of the mission by the hand; the attendants of others knelt before them, throwing dust upon their heads; and the Moors apparently vouchsafed a blessing. The king's messengers, with their long hair hanging in twists like a mop, used but little ceremony in hurrying by this transient procession, yet it was nearly eight o'clock before the king approached. It was a beautiful star-light night, |