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suggestions were sometimes approved; but the fixed and systematic principles of the character and the government of this Mo

Bishop attempted by all sorts of delays to avoid this ignominious expulsion; till the King was forced to send his yeomen of the guards to turn them out from Somerset-narch must not be imputed to the intrigues house, where the juvenile French Bishop, at once protesting against it, aud mounting the steps of the coach, took his departure, 'head and shoulders.' It appears, that to pay the debts and the pensions, besides sending the French troops free home, cost 50,000%.

"In a long procession of nearly forty coaches, after four days tedious travelling they reached Dover; but the spectacle of these impatient foreigners so reluctantly quitting England, gesticulating their sorrows or their quarrels, exposed them to the derision, and stirred up the prejudices of the common people. As Madame St. George, whose vivacity is always described extravagantly French, was stepping into the boat, one of the mob could not resist the satisfaction of flinging a stone at her French cap; an English courtier who was conducting her, instantly quitted his charge, ran the fellow through the body, and quietly returned to the boat. The man died on the spot; but no further notice appears to have been taken of the inconsiderate gallantry of this English courtier."

This transaction took place in 1626, and, four years afterwards, the French court attempted to introduce a bishop and physician about the Queen's person, but Charles I. absolutely prohibited it. From the preceding narrative of secret history,

"Charles I. does not appear so weak a slave to his Queen, as our writers echo from each other; and those who make Henrietta so importaut a personage in the cabinet, appear to have been imperfectly acquainted with her real talents. Charles, indeed, was deeply enamoured of the Queen, for he was inclined to strong personal attachments; and the temperance of his youth, by which he had lived so free from personal vice,' as May the parliamentary historian expresses it, even the gay levity of Buckingham seems never, in approaching the King, to have violated. Charles admired in Henrietta all those personal graces which he himself wanted; her vivacity in conversation enlivened his own seriousness, and ber gay volubility the defective utterance of his own; while the versatility of her manners relieved his own formal habits. Doubtless the Queen exercised the same power over this Monarch which vivacious females are privileged by nature to possess over their busbands; she was often listened fo, and her

of a mere lively and volatile woman; we must trace them to a higher source; to his own inherited conceptions of the Regal rights, if we would seek for truth, and read the history of human nature in the history of Charles I.

Should Mr. D'Israeli's Miscellanies' survive of the sources whence its many contents are derived, they will be much more valuable to posterity than to the present times. His work is happily calculated for those who possess but few books, and but little leisure for reading.

4 Narrative of a Journey of five thou sand miles through the eastern and western States of America, contained in eight Reports, addressed to the thirty. nine English families, by whom the Author was deputed in June 1817, to ascertain whether any, and what part of the United States would be suitable for their residence; with Remarks on Mr. Birkbeck's Notes and Letters. By Henry Bradshaw Fearon, 8vo. 10s. 6d. Longman and Co. London, 1818.

In our last volume* we offered to our

readers a general, though necessarily

brief sketch of the multifarious contents of this interesting work, and had an opportunity of corroborating part of his statements. There were, however, two or three topics connected with the government and politics of the United States, to which, from want of time and space, we were prevented from directing our attention. We shall, therefore, resume our notice of Mr. Fearon's volume, in order to supply that deficiency, and shall avail ourselves of the opportunity thus presented to us, of giving some important facts relative to the actual state of improvements in that country, which we have lately received, and on the authenticity of which our readers may confidently

rely.

During Mr. Fearon's residence at Philadelphia, au election took place for the office of Governor of Pennsylvania,

See Lit. Pan. N. S. Vol. VIII. pp.1608-1617.

versation. I was astonished to witness the anxiety felt by leading men, that their party should be elected inspectors. The eventful choice at the general election tually to rest upon the having Inspectors' seemed, in fact in their estimation, acof their own party. I remarked to them that it could be of no consequence of what party these gentlemen were, as they were

who is possessed of very considerable patronage, having not fewer than forty or fifty offices, more or less lucrative, at his disposal. In a country like the United States, which boasts of such perfect freedom in its constitution, we simple Englishmen would expect to find the utmost fairness and impartiality in election. Mr. Fearon, how-protected from partial or corrupt conduct ever, undeceives us in this respect; and we learn that they are managed with as much dexterity on the other side of the Atlantic, as the most virulent reformists affirm to take place in Great Britain. But we shall let our author speak for himself.

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Blue Light Men.'

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"4th. No party men called "Quids." “The present candidates for the office of governor are each of them of the democratic party. General Hiester is of the moderate faction, and is also supported against his opponent by the federalists and quids. Mr. Finlay has the powerful aid of the unyielding democrats; and, though he is in a minority in the proportion of one to three within the city of Philadel phia, little doubt is entertained of his election's having been carried by a large majority through the State at large. that are citizens, whether native or naturalized, of the age of twenty-one years and upwards, and who have paid their taxes, have the right of voting. It is not necessary that a man should be a house holder in order to pay taxes, there being a direct or poll tax of 9s. per annum, which alone, when paid by men possessed of the previous qualification of citizenship, establishes the right to vote. The general election is preceded by an election in the different wards of officers called inspectors, whose business it is to receive the ballot ticket of voters: parties try their strength in this first step. I witnessed the mode of voting: the persons choosing inspectors attend at a stated place in their own ward, and deliver in their ballot through a window. The number assembled at any one time did not exceed twenty. There was no noise, no confusion, in fact, not even con

by the mode of voting being by ballot. One of them informed me afterwards, that the fact of the inspectors being on one

side or the other, had been calculated to

make a difference of upwards of 200 votes in a particular section! arising from the reception of improper, and the rejection of good votes. The means by which an inspector can affect this, though the mode is by ballot, is said to be remarkably exact. That there may be some truth in this statement, would seem probable from a scene which I witnessed in the evening.

called upon the gentleman before alluded to. His room was completely crammed with the managers of the forthcoming election; and here, instead of finding that the general anxiety was at all counected with the advancement of correct political principles, I heard the following conversation :

"I'll bet you fifty (dollars) on Heister in Chesnut ward."

"What majority will you give him?" "One fourth."

"Give old Sour Kraut (Heister) a hundred and thirty, and I'll take you." "Done."

"What will you give Finlay in Lower
Delaware ward?”
"One hundred."

"And what to Heister?"
"Three hundred."

"Give Bill three and a half, and I'll take you for five hundred.”

"No: I'll give him three and half for a pair of boots."

"'Guess I'll take you for a pair and a hat.-What for Dock ward?"

"I won't bet on Dock: they're all a set of d-d Tories."

"Will you give Joe four hundred in South Mulberry?"

"I won't take Joe, I guess, in that ward?"

"What will you give Billy in South Mulberry ?"

"A couple of hundred."
"Done for five hundred."

All." What majority upon the whole election, Friend - will you advise us to give?"

Fr. "You must be cautious in your ma

jorities. We do not know how Beaver" may deem it entitled.

and Dauphin (the counties of Dauphin
and Beaver) may turn out.-Mind! save
If you find Billy (Finlay)
yourselves.
going down, take up Sour Kraut (Heister.)
Elections are managed, it appears,
and even governed by a species of
meeting, termed a "Caucus," of the
precise nature of which Mr. Fearon
could not obtain a correct account, but
which he thus describes:

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Candidates do not personally appear. Those who wish to be chosen obtain, as a preliminary step, what is termed "The Appointment." This is said to secure them the support of the whole of that party from which the appointment" emanates. An announcement, called "The Ticket," issues from this Caucus a few days before the election; in this case there were three of these "tickets," severally headed, Federal, Republican, and Democratic. The federalists sent to an acquaintance of mine their" ticket," enclosed in the following circular letter; though I would remark, that canvassing, in the English meaning of that word, is not allowed:

"Fellow Citizen,

We consider

"this election as involving the most im-
"portant cousequences. Federalism, con-
"scious of its own feebleness and inability
"to wrestle with the strength of demo-
has made a union with a FEW
cracy,
"disappointed men ; hoping through them
"to turn over, not only the city and dis-
"trict, but the State and Union to Federal
"misrule.

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"Be careful to bring with you your re"ceipt for COUNTY TAX. If a naturalized "citizen, be sure to bring your CERTIFI66 CATE of naturalization, as it will, in all probability, be required. These cau"tions are deemed more than ever nccessary, from the shameful conduct and "persecuting spirit manifested by the Fe"deral Judges, at the late ward election. "Be on the ground early. It is of importance, that every citizen votes, because it may be that a vote would carry a candidate. "Philadelphia, October 6, 1815."

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DEMOCRATIC ADDRESS.

"Citizens, Democrats, Americans! This "is the day of the General Election! If you "value your own happiness, your political

"The exercise of the elective franchise is" characters, your liberties, or your Re"at all times a privilege of the highest" publican institutions, every man to the "value:-on :-on the present occasion every "federalist has an opportunity to aid in "dispelling prejudices-in lessening the "malignity of party spirit-in restoring "the right of free election, and of resisting "those dangerous abuses in government, in"troduced by office holders, which, if not promptly and steadily checked, threaten to "become inveterate and irremediable.

Let

every man be vigilant, active, and firm on this day, and success will crown our "efforts.

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"The inspectors have resolved to open "the poll precisely at nine o'clock.

"October 14, 1817."

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"poll, and vote the Democratic Ticket; it "is headed with the name of the patriot "WILLIAM FINDLAY. Citizens! the times "are momentous! the seducers from the "Democratic ranks have joined with our "old inveterate political enemies to put "down Democracy. It is an unholy "league between apostates and political "traitors on the one part, and on the "other the anglo-federalists, the mouar"chists, the aristrocrats, the Hartford "conventionalists, the blue-light men, he "embargo-breakers, the Henryites, the

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men who in time of Peace cried out "for war! war! but who in time of war "called themselves the peace party. "Huzza for WILLIAM FINDLAY, and no "bribery.-A long pull, a strong pull, "and a pull altogether."

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"We enclose the Democratic Ticket," " which is recommended by the delegates "and conferrees fairly chosen, after public "notice. We request you to vOTE IT, and "give it all the SUPPORT to which you

practices the maxim, that the end justifies the means, 6. One who has

I

"resorted to the basest falsehoods to sup- | (whom I had heard the previous evening "port himself. 7. One who intrigued make a most able spcech in favour of Mr. "and bargained for the office, and openly Findlay, at a public meeting of the de"electioneered for himself. 8. A state in-mocrats) was travelling about to the se“quisitor, who would gag, if not immo- | veral depots of leading characters. "late every man, not of his own sect. could hardly credit my sight that he was 9. A man who has blended the public the same person whom I had heard the 68 money with his own, and is yet to ac- previous evening, His chief employment "count for misdemeanor in office. 10. during the day seemed drinking rum aud "A barbarian, who holds that the study gin with any and every body. I made "of the law disqualifies a man from being some remarks to him concerning his speech: "a judge.' he pleasantly answered, “ My good fellow, I did as well as I could, I guess: they made me open the ball." This old general was the companion in arms of Washington he has been both sheriff and mayor: he has the character of possessing a good heart, and very improvident generosity,

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"Take notice who are the friends of "WILLIAM FINDLAY, 1. Traitors and "apostates. 2. Inveterate aristocrats. 3. "Office-hunters. 4. Cormorants for the "loaves and fishes, and friends only to "themselves. 5. Fugitives from British "gaols and justice.

"Take advice,-1. Look well to your "tickets. 2. Look well to your boxes. "3 Look well to your tallies. 4. Look "well to your returns; and 5. Look well "to those who vote, that they are qua❝lified."

On the day of election our author was early on the spot where it was to be made,

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The election terminated throughout Take care!!!-WILLIAM FINDLAY'S the State in one day; and though the "election will be surè, 1. If the Repub- excitement of party and pecuniary feel"licans stay at home. 2. If they are neg-ing, by the universality of gambling on "ligent or timid on the election ground. this occasion was very great, yet we "3. If election, like treasury frauds, are have much pleasure in stating that "not detected and prevented. there was no confusion or disturbance. In a subsequent part of his volume, Mr. Fearon recurs again to the subject of elections, and takes notice of a very striking remark in all the electioneering addresses which he has seen, that the defeated party invariably complains of the corrupt influence of Caucus, which he informs us from an American writer, is "a cant term for those private meetings "which are held by the political parties, previous to elections, for the purpose of agreeing upon candidates for office, or "concerting any measure which they de"sign carrying at the subsequent public "meeting." The other day I called upon a resident of this city, a person of some Aware that the political importance. subject is already and very variously discussed througout the States, I casually enquired, "Who do you think, Sir, will be your next president?" He gave no reply, except by a significant nod. I followed up my enquiry by Do you think, Sir, Mr. Adams will be selected?" To which he answered, with decided confidence, "No; I guess not, Sir; we have the man, we "have the man, we know our man.-Craw, "ford (the present secretary of the treasu"ry) had it in caucus last time, within a "few." I enquired what he meant by having it in caucus; for that Mr. Munroe was elected by an overwhelming majority. His answer was, "Ah! I guess you don't "understand our modes; when you have "been here a few years, you will compre

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The place appointed to receive votes for the city (exclusive of Southwark and the northern liberties), was in the State-" house-the same building in which that immortal document was passed-THE DEThere CLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE! were two inspectors for each ward of the The city placed at separate windows. electors delivered in their votes from the street. The ground was what is here called manned; that is, persons in the interest of the parties have written on their hat or breast," Federal Ticket," or "Democratic Ticket,"soliciting citizens as they approach the poll" to vote their ticket;" for which purpose they are prepared to furnish them with the printed balloting list of their party. The neighbouring public-houses were, of course, occupied by the electioneerers. I resolved to devote to this as much of my time as possible, in obtaining an insight into the character and mind of this people, and to observe them acting in their political capacity. They were all betting upon the election; but few, if any appeared to care one straw about principle. Old General Barker,

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He

we trust will be found not unworthy of their attention, especially as they embrace various topics of information, which it did not fall within Mr. Fearon's plan to collect.

"hend these things. Only mind, I tell you, for their passage by binding them"Adams never can be president; for he selves to the captain, who receives "will not be able to do any thing with the produce of their labour for a certain "caucus." From minute enquiry, I under- number of years. These are termed stood that this thing called caucus, was practically invented by Mr. John Adams, Redemptioners, and are disposed of by during his presidentship; and that it is public advertisements, as regularly as now universally practised in the election to the black slaves in any of the West every office in America. Since the first Indian islands. Mr. Fearon has given choice of Mr. Jefferson, the presidential some interesting information relative to elections are managed by private meetings this degrading traffic, for which our (or caucus) of the democratic members of readers must consult his work. In one congress, previous to elections: they settle instance a gentleman of Philadelphia, among themselves who shall be president. who wanted an old couple to take care This is what is called getting" the ap- of his house, had a man, his wife, and pointment in caucus," and an instance never occurs of the votes being in opposi- daughter offered him for sale. tion to caucus. When they have determiu- purchased them, and they proved to be ed upon who they wish to be president, his father, his mother, and sister! they send circulars to their different States, pointing out, by a kind of congé d'élire, who We now invite our readers to the they have resolved should be elected; and particulars adverted to, at the comas the right of voting for presidents is con-mencement of this article, and which fiued to a very limited number, there is no intance of the caucus being disobeyed. Mr. Munroe being a democrat was, as a matter of course, voted for by the demo; cratic States; and those of New England being federal, would not, I believe, give a vote upon the occasion. It appears that Agriculture is an importaut pursuit the members of the Washington caucus in the United States; and the example were almost equally divided between Mr. of the parent country, in instituting Crawford and Mr. Munroe; but that some agricultural societies, and exhibitions accommodation being agreed upon, the lat- has been recently followed in America, ter got "the appointment." Had his rival and with very beneficial results, parobtained this, he and not Mr. Munroe would ticularly since the late war with this have been voted for by the democratic States, as a matter of course. These are country. Among these, the Philaalarming facts; for thus we see that the delphia agricultural society, which has very men (the members of congress) who published four volumes of its papers, are directly excluded by the constitution has decidedly taken the lead. The from voting, become, by means of a secret state of New York boasts of not fewer something unknown to that constitution, than thirteen agricultural societies, most and at variance with both its letter and of which have annual cattle shows: but spirit, the real electors to the presidentship. the Massachussetts agricultural society How necessary are the most unceasing viis stated to us, to hold the pre-eminence gilance, and the greatest degree of public principle and public virtue, to preserve even the best institutions from gross perversion! No oligarchy can be more dan gerous than this, which deludes the people with a belief that they are all-powerful, and the electors of their chief magistrate, while virtually they are the mere tools of a faction, and have not a voice in the matter. So much for the boasted independence of the United States.

Although slavery is confined chiefly to the southern States, yet there is a most degrading traffic carried on in the persons of Europeans, who, emigrating from Europe without money, pay

in activity, in the more northern part of the American Union. In Virginia several similar societies have been established, and not before they were wanted: for the agriculture of that State is in a deplorably bad state. In Kentucky also, which is but a newly formed State, societies have been established, and at Lexington there is one, which we understand is conducted with great spirit. Of the activity and attention here given to the improvement of their breeds of cattle, our readers will form an idea from the high prices paid for prime stock. One instance has been

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