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and in 1788, 1179 houses, and 15,683

dation ;-2. The Foundling Hospital, established in the early part of the last century, and in which there constantly appear to be upwards of 6000 foundlings; the excellent arrangements of this institution are detailed at considerable length, and it is satisfactorily vindicated from the exceptions of Mr. Malthus.-3. The Hibernian Society's School for Educating the children of soldiers, five hundred of whom, upon the average, are constantly provided for. The economy and discipline of this school are intended to be assimilated as nearly as possible to the Asylum for the children of our gallant soldiers at Chelsea.

built more airy houses in more spacious streets, and gradually refined into that state of elegance that now prevails. Hence it happens, that in the ancient parts of most cities, the population is dense in proportion both to the number of houses and the space that they occupy; while in the more modern parts, the train of servants, ever attendant on opulence and luxury, gives a population, great indeed in proportion to the number of houses, but inconsiderable, if we regard the area they occupy in extensive back grounds and spacious streets. The population of Dublin was accordingly found to be most crowded within the walls of the ancient city, comprehending the parishes of St. Werburgh, St. John, St. Michael, St. Ni--4. The Hibernian Marine Society's cholas within, the eastern part of St. School, for the children of decayed seaAudeon, and the deanery of Christ church. men.-5. The House of Industry.-6. This space, containing an area of nearly The Bedford Asylum for industrious forty-five acres English, had in 1682, ac- children.-7. Penitentiary for the Reform cording to Sir William Petty, 1145 houses, of young criminals of the male sex.-8. inhabitants, which give an average of 349 Penitentiary for adult female convicts. souls nearly to an acre, and 13.3 to a 9. The Incorporated Society for promothouse The density of population how-ing English Protestant Schools.-10. The ever varies within this space, for in the parish of St. Michael it amounts to 439 souls to an acre, and almost 16 to a house. Notwithstanding the unprecedented rise in the price of foreign timber, and the ap prehensions generally entertained of the effects which the union might have on the prosperity of this city, a considerable number of houses have been built since The systems of education, domestic 1798, and its present population is not management, revenue, and expenditure short of 190,000 souls, though we cannot of these various excellent charities, are pretend to speak with any degree of pre-detailed with considerable minuteness; cision on this subject, no survey having and as public attention has of late years latterly been made been much directed to the Penitentiary established at Millbank, near Westminster, we shall conclude an account of the first volume of this work, with the following extracts relative to the Penitentiaries at Dublin. The

We have not room to describe the

squares, the Castle, and other public edifices that adorn this splendid city; but we cannot pass in silence its numerous and well-conducted charitable foundations, of which few capitals in Europe have, in proportion to their population, a greater number than Dublin has at present.

Schools founded and endowed in the reign of Charles II. by the benevolent and munificent Erasmus Smith, Esq.-And, lastly, the Royal Hospital at Kilmainham, which, in its design and object, is the same as the noble monument of national gratitude at Chelsea.

criminals of the Male Sex, was opened PENITENTIARY, for the reform of young during the administration of his excellency Earl Hardwicke, in the year 1801, for the reception and reform of such young criminals under the age of 15 as were actually convicted, and under sentence of transportation. But though such was the original object of the institution, the majority of boys received into it have been of different descriptions; namely, such as were detected in acts of theft, and com

Nearly seventy schools, and other asylums, are copiously described in the course of this work, besides more than twenty medical hopitals, infirmaries, &c. Of eleven of the most considerable of these ample accounts are given in the first volume, viz. 1. The Blue Coat Hospital, founded by King Charles II. for the edu-mitted in consequence thereof by magiscation of the children, sons or grandsons of reduced free citizens, nearly two hundred of whom are constantly on this foun

trates without trial; others strongly sus pected of being engaged in vicious and criminal courses; apprentices eloping

from their masters, and otherwise misconducting themselves. Some boys, apparently in danger of being involved in criminal practices, have been received at the instance of their parents. From the annual returns made by the governors, there is ground for concluding that the course of discipline, instruction, and industry, pursued in this establishment, has been productive of salutary effects in many instances; but as the mistaken lenity of magistrates had frequently in former years induced them to discharge the per

sons so committed, before a sufficient time had elapsed to work a complete reform, there is reason to fear that the institution had, in consequence of this interference, not been productive of all the benefits to society which might otherwise have resulted from it. This inconvenience is however no longer complained of, and the magistrates at present do not discharge any boy, without the consent and appro bation of the governors.

About sixteen boys generally are permanently on the day-school list; and whenever a boy is unemployed at his trade, he is sent to school to receive instruction. There is also a Sunday school holden, at which all the boys attend. A clergyman, called " Clerical Visitor," has the superintendence of this penitentiary, with an annual salary of 1201.

The state of manufactures and industry, and the general state of the institution, will appear from the annexed report. Since its formation in 1801, to 31st Dec. 1811, were admitted.

Young Convicts sentenced to transportation

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Young criminals committed by magistrates

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Gross Produce of the Labour of Boys. Year ending 31st December 1811, £111 19 0.

The Penitentiary for Adult Female Convicts, Governors of the Dublin House of Inwas placed under the direction of the dustry, on the 1st December, 1809. Its object is the reception and employment of tion: they are provided with bedsteads, female convicts sentenced to transportabeds, sheets, and blankets, and receive two meals daily of nutritive food. Those who are capable of industry, are usefully receive one-half of the profits of their employed in making barrack bedding, and labour. Since 1st December, 1809, 103 have been reformed, and pardoned by his convicts have been admitted, of whom 26 Grace the Lord-Lieutenant, 12 removed to the infirmary in the House of Industry. remanded to Newgate as incorrigible, 2 died, 3 discharged in consequence of the time of their confinement having expired, 55 remain in the house.-Total 103. The present State is as follows : Number of female convicts, 5th Jan. 1812

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Gross Amount of Labour of Female Convicts, Fortwelve months, ending 31st Dec. 1811, £424 5s. d.

These penitentiaries at present occupy buildings belonging to the police of the City of Dublin, and are situated in Smithfield, at some distance from the House of Industry; the temporary use of which has been given to the governors for this purpose: this department however is to be greatly enlarged, and additional ground has been purchased, on which the necessary buildings are to be erected without delay, on a plan prepared by Mr. Francis Johnson, and approved of by government. The surrounding wall of this extensive edifice, which will be 40 feet high and 30 from the interior buildings, will enclose an area of nearly 5 English acres, presenting a front of 707 feet to Grange Gormon-lane, with a depth, of 342 feet, and so constructed, that guards stationed at a very few points on its summit, will command the entire circumference. Exclusive of apartments for the proper officers, board-room, chapels for divine service, infirmaries, kitchens, &c. this edifice, which consists of three stories, will contain spacious workshops cells for solitary confine

ment, with airing-grounds for 125 males causes him to be conveyed to Charenton, and as many females, who are to be all the principal public establishment near convicts under sentence of transportation; Paris, for insane persons. Here the the sexes will be perfectly separated, the author lays the scene of his adventures; convicts divided into four classes, each of and some of the supposed inhabitants which will have its distinct and separate airing ground, and the apartments of the of this place are his dramatis personæ. keepers are so situated as to command an In the imaginary dialogues with them, uninterrupted view of the work-shops under the author gives a view of the political their respective inspection. The situation state of France, of its parties, of the is elevated and airy, open on the north natural tendency of the age to the geto the country, and on the south over-neral interests of mankind, and of the looking the city; and through the ground ultimate object of civilization in its siruns the stream called the Bradogue, with a lively course in a channel 6 feet wide by lent progress towards universal good. 7 feet high, and covered with a substantial The dialogues are sustained with much arch, a circumstance of much importance, vigour of fancy, but are too long to as its water may be occasionally diverted admit of any one being extracted entire ; by means of sluices to cleanse the sewers and a few detached passages would not, necessary in so extensive a building. we think, do justice to the ingenious author. In the course of his residence at Charenton, Monsieur Joseph begins to imagine himself infected with the Charenton; or the Follies of the Age: a malady of the place; and accordingly Philosophical Romance. By M. de Lour-sits down to write his "Hallucinations." doueix. Translated from the French, 8vo. 7s. 6d. Baldwin, Cradock, and Joy, London, 1818.

(To be Continued.)

As the chapter, thus intitled, appears to contain the author's deliberate opinions relative to the existing state of

OF PARTIES.

The French press is continually teem-politics and parties of France, and as we think it gives, in a small compass, a ing with a variety of literary works, by men of talents, and upon all subjects, more accurate and temperate view of them, than we have hitherto seen, we which, for the moment, amuse and are shall extract his observations on Parties admired. Few of them are sufficiently in general, aud on the conduct and po interesting to foreigners to be trans-lities of two of the most active of them, lated; yet some pass unnoticed, which, both for their information and style de- viz. The Ultras and Liberals. serve attention, and would gratify the general reader. Of this description is the volume now under consideration, which we think likely to interest the attention of the British Public: for, not only at this period, but at all times, in an historical as well as relative point of view, the affairs of France must be of importance to all civilized nations, and especially to Great Britain.

This work, which comes from the pen of a writer greatly esteemed in his own country, is conceived with much ingenuity; and the narrative, though short, is very agreeable. A young man, here called Monsieur Joseph, the son of a wholesale dealer at Paris, after spending several years in Germany, returns to the paternal roof, so entirely absorbed in mental speculations, and exhibits so many marks of hypochondria; that his father, by the advice of a physician,

It is no problematical remark, that a fact, however unjust, however absurd it may be, cannot triumph for ever so short time on the earth without establishing a consequent interest.

Thus, in 1790, insurrection destroyed feodality, the interest of feodality nevertheless survives, and the interest of insurrection takes root. Bonaparte destroys insurrection, but the interest of insurrection survives, and the interest of usurpation takes root. In 1814 the legitimate government triumphis, but the interest of usurpation

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OF THE ULTRAS.

It is said that there cannot be Ultraroyalists, as one cannot love the king too much. This would be true if by Ultras was understood those who carried their love for the king to excess; but this name is given to those who have passed royalty, who are beyond it. Now as it is indisputable that when we are passed a place, we are no longer in that place, so when one has passed or gone beyond royalty, one is no longer royalist.-For example:

The day after the dissolution of the Chamber of 1815, I met a titled person whom I had known during the three months, when the same wishes the same dangers, the same efforts, united all the friends of legitimate loyalty. This person drew a most frightful picture of public affairs to me; according to him La Vendée was rising, the south was in arms, the Jacobins were talking of deposing the king, and the ministers, in concert with them, had gained the federates of the Faubourgs. In short, the throne was to be overturned in less than eight days. If that be the case, said I to him, it only remains for us to buy swords and large white cockades, and go and be killed on the staircase of the palace. "I'll not wear the white cockade again," replied he, "till it shall please God to take our good king to himself." Was this man a royalist?

More than once has the interest of feodality been armed in France against royalty: they who are Ultras now would have been Leaguers in the time of Henry III; those who were then Leaguers would be Ultras. Has not the Viscount de B. declared in a late publication that he would have joined the League, if he had been alive under Henry IV?

If you ask an Ultra what he wants, he will tell you what he does not want.Why? Because the man who is governed by an interest is impelled by a secret force which with him takes the place of judgment and reason, and only shows him obstacles without indicating to him the ulterior object. Thus, he does not want Mr. Such-a-one to be in place, because Mr. Such-a-one is an advocate for the equality of rights, and it will be impossible to advance as long as Mr. Such-a-one is in power. -He does not want Mr. Such-a-one to remain in France, because Mr. Such-a-one, who is an enemy to royalty, is still a greater enemy to feodality.

But to come at the knowledge of the object of this party, remove for a moment the obstacles they point to you, and observe them advance, you will soon see whither they tend.

In 1815, the electors, through hatred of the men in the interest of usurpation, threw themselves into the arms of the federal party: and the Chamber of Deputies was composed of Ultras. From that moment the roofs of the hall daily resounded with declarations in favour of the ancient social system: a thousand arguments were advanced against the sale of corporate property, against the sale of the state forests, against the fiscal system, against all the results of centralization, in favour of the distinct incorporation and independence of the clergy, in favour of the old landed system, in favour of every thing tending to the renewal of local interests. All the proposed laws that had no tendency to establish such interests did not pass, why?-because the Chamber of 1815 wished to UNDO THE REVOLUTION, aud because the object of the Revolution, taking the word in its largest acceptation, is the centralization and unity of interests: from that moment all things, and all men, that stand in the way of the re-establishment of the ancient social system were fiercely attacked.There were great shouts for purifying the administration, the army, the courts of justice; from that moment the government ceased to advance, or rather began to retrograde, because it was hurried into a contrary direction to the operation of civilization, and because, instead of making a progress towards the results of the good principle, it was returning towards the results of the good principle, it was returning towards the interests of fact, towards institutions sprung from feodal usurpation and the federal league, all children of bad principle. The dissolution of the Chamber of 1815 was therefore indispensably necessary, and then the government began again to advance.

Of the politics of the Ultras.-The Ultras have advantages in their position which determine their politics. They were overturned by insurrection at the same time as royalty; they were exposed to every kind of persecution, to the most infamous spoliations: they had for enemies the enemies of social order, men who profaned churches, erected altars to crime, and devoted virtue to the scaffold. Their blood gloriously mingled with the blood of martyrs and of kings. United by a common persecution with royalty and religion, the world has been accustomed to confound them with

all that is august and sacred. The prejudice in regard to them being such as to make one forget that they had a distinct individual interest in opposing insurrection, it must appear strange to men who exist in a middle region of ideas, that the nobles

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a weight to their political character; bu all the harm they can do to the govern ment is reduced to harassing them: having against them the age, which they cannot prevent from advancing, they are forced to follow its progress to harass it; so that they are themselves going further from the point to which they want to bring back society; and so we have seen their first writers entering into all the constitutional principles, and arming themselves with the

All this may furnish the party with many arguments which will not be without weight in the opinion of the multitude; but though the vulgar can perceive only this lower king of justice, there is a higher species of Justice which alone ought to in-charter to attack a government suitable to fluence kings.

From the situation of the Ultras, it becomes their policy to put on the cloke of royalism to combat with men and things opposed to their party: it is for the king's interest therefore that they doom the French of the new system to exile; it is through royalism that they ask power, employments, and hanours for themselves only; in short, it is for love of the king that they attack the king's government, labour to turn public opinion against it, do their utmost to make all the works of wisdom appear unjust and prejudicial to the state; and as it is difficult to reconcile such efforts with the respect they profess for the sovereign, they affect to make no mention of the king's name in their public accusations, but to designate only his ministers; a political foolery, which they the more readily adopt, as in fact it is not the person of the monarch which is in their way, but his government, that is to say, his ministers; and when they find in their conduct nothing to ground their animosity upon, they impute secret views to them, a resource ever ready for accusers who have no other.

One of the most usual practices of this party consists in confounding, in the mere acceptation of the word Revolution, the crimes, follies, and misfortunes that sprung from the insurrection of 93 with institutions which time has unfolded, which the nineteenth century has adopted, and which the charter has consecrated: thus, with them, the Septembriser and the Coustitutional Royalist; he who killed the king and he who would lay down his life in defending him, are equally Revolutionists; the man who overthrew, and the man who is endeavouring to re-establish monarchy, are both Jacobins; and as Revolutionists and Jacobins are beings not very estimable, we must abjure the improvements of the age we live in, or be silent, if we wish not to be blackened in the drawing-rooms where the Ultras prevail.

The ministry fear the Ultras, and with some reason, for the Ultras are honourable persons, and their personal character gives VOL. IX. No. 53, Lit. Pan. N. S. Feb. 1.

the times; the last resource of a party not strong enough to attack its enemy in front, and which, in abandoning its entrenchments, has made its existence dependent on the existence of the laws of exceptions which serve as a pretext for its attacks.

The secret wish of the Ultras is to make themselves masters of the administrations, in order to influence the elections, and have the whole legislative power; differing in this from the Jacobins, who desire to have power over the elections for the purpose of turning out the Ministers, and composing the administration according to their own views.

The saying, trivial as it is, Go out of that place that I may go into it, is the motto of all parties.

In the preceding observations it is proper we should apprize our readers, that the author speaks only of those Ultras who form an opposition party acting against the government of the King of France; and whose numbers are diminishing daily.

The Liberals are a junction of the Jacobins and Bonapartists; and their political principles and conduct are thus developed by our author.

In France, says he, we too easily suffer parties to usurp words to which notions of public good are affixed: we know how dearly we have paid for the words national, patriot, &c. &c. on the banners of the monsters who destroyed the nation aud ruin the country; and we are not yet aware what the word liberal, on the banners of men in the interest of fact, will cost us. If is to this deplorable easiness we must im. pute the real corruption into which our political language has fallen. Is there a word that has among us determinate sense, and which, in certain months, signifies precisely the contrary of the signification given in our old dictionaries? The word philosophy formerly signified the love of wisdom; it has served among us moderns as a prototype of every kind of extravagance, and may now almost be construed the love of

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