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throughout every part of Ireland. I know that the words I utter will carry with them the force and weight which the sanction of this meeting can alone impart.
"It is, therefore, as the organ of this meeting, that I would say to the people of Ireland-Regard the policy of those whom I will not at present call our enemies, but who certainly have endeavoured to throw a cloud over the prosperity of the country. Reflect that the advantages, which they have uniformly held out, have been founded upon the principles of sowing the seeds of dissention among nations. I will say to the people of Ireland, From what has passed, dread the future. I will say, What have any classes of you in Ireland to hope from the French? Is it your property you wish to preserve? Look to the example of Holland; and see how that nation has preserved its property by alliance with the French! Is it independence you court? Look to the example of unhappy Switzerland: see to what a state of servile abasement that once manly territory has fallen, under France! Is it to the establishment of Catholicity that your hopes are directed? The conduct of the first Consul in subverting the power and authority of the Pope, and cultivating the friendship of the Muffulmen in Egypt under a boast of that subversion, proves the fallacy of such a reliance! Is it civil liberty you require? Look to France itself crouched under despotism, and groaning beneath a system of slavery, beyond what ever disgraced and insulted any nation! Is it possible, then, that any heart nurtured in the blessed air of Ireland can look to French protection for happiness? Is it possible there can be one head so organized as not to see from the evidence of facts for the last few years, that the liberty, which the French offer, is but another term for abjection and slavery? I am not sounding the trumpet of war-There is no man who more sincerely deprecates its calamities than I do, soldier as I am, and ready to
serve my country-Yet if necessity should force us to the conflict, I trust we shall prove to the audacious foe, that British veins still glow with the same blood which vivified the spirit of our ancestors; and that British bosoms still burn with the same patriotic ardor which actuated them in every former period of their annals."
After some farther observations of a similar tendency, his Lordship said, " Whatever may await us, let us meet the peril with intrepid firmness. Danger is a giant to those who fear, but a pigmy to those who know not what fear is; and confident I am, that the spirit of the country will be roused to dreadful vengeance against those who shall dare to provoke it.—The spirit of Englishmen and of Irishmen will manifest, will teach the enemy, that he has mistaken their character, and from their disposition to peace falfely inferred their aversion to war. Let the views of France be what they may, she will find herself greatly deceived in her expectations with regard to assistance or co-operation in any part of the United Kingdom: her views will never be seconded by any but a desperate and impotent rabble."
His Lordship then averted to the stability acquired by the Union of England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland; and enlarged in the most impressive manner on the valor of those several branches of the empire, on the identity of interests which knit them together, and the impossibility of any enemy prevailing against them, while they continued firmly united to each other. He trusted that every man in the country would exert himself for the maintenance of the national fame, and observed, "That there was no man so humble as not to be called upon to vindicate in his own person the honor, the interest, the character, and the glory of the British empire."
The ancient Historians seldom give an account of any important battle, to which they do not prefix some strong persuasive to heroic exertion, from the commander, whose eloquence may thus be supposed to contribute to his victory. In modern times, these incentives to military ardor are commonly conveyed to the troops in the form of "GENERAL ORDERS," the only way, indeed, in which they can be well communicated to very numerous armies. But whatever animation, whatever degree of electrical fire may be infused into such orders, the stroke is never so impressive as when it immediately issues from the lips of a favourite general. I shall subjoin a few examples of both, and need make no apology for giving the first place to the celebrated Speech, which SHAKESPEARE ascribes to
SIEGE OF HARFLEUR.
It was the dying injunction of the late king [HENRY IV.] to his son, not to allow the English to remain long in peace, which was apt to breed intestine commotions; but to employ them in foreign expeditions, by which the prince might acquire honor; the nobility, in sharing his danger, might attach themselves to his person; and all the restless spirits find occupation for their inquietude. The
GENERAL WOLFE's SPEECH
ARMY BEFORE QUEBEC.
On the twenty-sixth of June 1759, the armament destined for the invasion of Canada, under the command of general WOLFE, arrived at the island of Orleans, formed by the branches of the river St. Lawrence, and extending to the bason of Quebec. The situation of this city along the base, and the summit of a lofty rock; was supposed to render it on one side inaccessible. It was protected, on the other, by the river St. Charles, the channel of which is rough, and broken, and its borders intersected with ravines. On the left bank of this river the French army, amounting to about 10,000 men, commanded by M. DE MONTCALM, were posted; the encampment extending to the river of Montmorenci to the cast, and their rear covered with impenetrable woods. WOLFE perfectly sensible that, unless the enemy could be brought to a decisive engagement, his enterprise must prove abortive, resolved, after some feints in vain made to induce his able and cautious antagonist to relinquish this advantageous post, to attack the French in their entrenchments on the last day of July. The plan of the assault, however judicious, was effectually disconcerted by the irregular impetuosity of the English grenadiers; and WOLFE was compelled to retreat with considerable loss. This disaster made a deep impression on his lofty and susceptible mind. He was observed often to sigh; and to his intimate friends, he de
clared his determination to die rather than to endure the censure and reproach which invariably attend the want of
An effort transcendently bold yet remained to be tried. A plan was formed in concert with the naval commander, admiral SAUNDERS, for landing the troops on the northern bank .of the river above the city, and, by scaling the heights hitherto deemed inaccessible, to gain possession of the grounds at the back of the town, where it was but slightly fortified. The admiral, in order to deceive the enemy moved up the river several leagues beyond the spot fixed upon for the landing; but, during the night, he fell down with the stream, in order to protect the disembarkment of the troops, which was happily accomplished in secrecy and silence. The precipice now remained to be ascended; and, with infinite labor and difficulty, the troops sustaining themselves by the rugged projections of the rock, and the branches of the trees and plants which sprang from the innumerable clefts into which it was every where broken, they at last obtained the summit, and immediately formed in order of battle. The intelligence being quickly conveyed to M. DE MONTCALM, that the English army was in actual possession of the Heights of Abraham, that commander declared himself unable to express his astonishment, and immediately comprehended the necessity of abandoning his strong camp, and of risking an engagement, in order to save the city. It was just before this dreadful conflict, that WOLFE, in the front of the line, is supposed by the ingenious AIKIN to have harangued his army thus:
"I congratulate you, my brave countrymen, and fellow-soldiers on the spirit and success with which you have executed this important part of our enterprize. The formidable Heights of Abraham are now surmounted; and