now proposed by him would declare, whether the petitions were to be really attended to, or finally and totally rejected.

Mr. DUNNING's first proposition was warmly supported by the speaker of the house, who declared, "that, on an occasion like the present, he should deem himself criminal in remaining silent, the resolution proposed contained an allegation which was too notorious to require proof, which in its full extent did not admit of proof: it could be known only to the members of that house; as they were the only persons competent to resolve it, they were bound as jurors by the conviction arising in their own minds, and were obliged to determine accordingly. The powers constitutionally vested in the executive part of the government were, he said, amply sufficient for all the purposes of good government, but its undue influence had increased to a degree absolutely incompatible with every just idea of a limited monarchy. What the petitioners demanded should have originated within those walls; they were sitting as the representatives of the people, solely for their advantage and benefit, and were pledged to them for the faithful discharge of their trust."

Notwithstanding the determined opposition of the minister, on the division which took place at midnight, the numbers were in favor of the motion 233-against it 215. Mr. DUNNING then moved, that it was competent to that house to examine into and correct abuses in the expenditure of the civil list, as well as in every other branch of a public revenue, whenever it shall seem expedient to the house to do so. This was again opposed by lord NORTH, who in the strongest terms expressed his wishes, that the committee would not proceed. The motion was nevertheless agreed to by the house. Mr. THOMAS PITT then moved, that it was the duty of the house to provide

provide as far as might be, an immediate and effectual redress of the abuses complained of in the petitions presented to the house from the different counties, cities, and towns in this kingdom. The minister once more earnestly implored the committee to desist, but with no effect. The motion was agreed to. It was lastly moved by Mr. Fox, that the resolutions should be immediately reported to the house, which was deprecated and protested against by lord NORTH, as violent, arbitrary, and contrary to the established usage of Parliament. The motion however was carried, and the chairman reporting the resolutions accordingly, they were severally agreed to by the house.

On the 10th of April, the committee being resumed, Mr. DUNNING congratulated the house on the late decisions; which, however, he said, could avail little unless the house proceeded effectually to remedy the grievances complained of by the people. The alarming and increasing influence of the crown being now admitted by a solemn decision of that house, it was incumbent upon them to go from generals to particulars. With a view therefore of extirpating that corrupt influence he should move that there be laid before the house every session, within seven days after the meeting of Parliament, an account of all monies paid out of the civil revenue, to, or for the use of, or interest for, any member of Parliament since the last recess This was objected to by lord North, but was carried without a division. Mr. DUNNING then moved, that the persons holding the offices of treasurer of the chamber, treasurer of the household, cofferer of the household, comptroller of the household, master of the. household, clerks of the green cloth, and their deputies, should be rendered incapable of a seat in that house. This was again opposed, but, on a division, was

carried

carried by a majority of 215 to 213 voices. So far the patriotic party had proceeded, when the sudden illness of the speaker obliged the house to adjourn till the 24th of April, on which day the committee being resumed, Mr. DUNNING moved for an address that his Majesty would be pleased not to dissolve the Parliament, or prorogue the present session, until the objects of the petitions were answered. When the house, after a vehement debate, came to a division on this important question, it was discovered that the unfortunate illness of the speaker had infected the very life blood of their enterprize, the motion being rejected by a majority of 254 to 203. Mr. Fox rose after the division, and in the most poignant language reprobated the conduct of those men who had thus receded from the solemn engagements they had so recently entered into; and Mr. DUNNING scrupled not to charge. these members with direct treachery to the nation, considering this resolution as an effectual bar to all future means and efforts of redress.

CHAP.

CHAP. IV.

TREASON AND SEDITION BILLS.

IN the session of 1743, the house of commons, apprised of some recent machinations of the court of St. Germain's, sent up to the Lords a bill making it High Treason to correspond with the sons of the Pretender. On the commitment of this bill, the Lord Chancellor HARDWICKE moved "that the committee be instructed to receive a clause for continuing the penalties and forfeitures legally incurred by the descendants of traitors, to the death of the sons of the Pretender; and which, by the operation of an act passed in the reigh of Queen ANNE, expired with the Pretender himself. The clause was thus opposed with equal eloquence and public spirit by the Duke of BEDFORD.

"MY LORDS.

"Though I hope that I have never given reason for suspicion, that I am less zealous than any other lord for the security of our present constitution, or the defence of the family now upon the throne; though I desire to be considered as equally zealous for liberty, and equally tenacious of those laws which secure property with every other man; though I am convinced that a Prince forced upon us by the armies and fleets of France will become only the Vice-Roy of the monarch to whom he owes his exaltation, and that we should thenceforth be considered by the French as their tributaries and their vassals, yet I cannot approve the motion which the noble lord has made.

"Your

"Your lordships cannot be surprized that I am alarmed at the proposal of a law like this, I, whose family has suffered so lately the deprivation of its rank and its fortune by the tyranny of a court; I, whose grandfather was cut off by an unjust prosecution, and whose father was condemned for many years to see himself deprived of the rights of his birth, which were at length restored to him by more equitable judges. It is surely reasonable, my lords, that I should oppose the execution of penalties to the descendants of offenders, who have scarcely myself escaped the blast of an attainder. I am very far from denying, my lords, what has been asserted, that the French have long been aspiring to universal monarchy; that they consider their projects as liable to be defeated only by the English; and that they have therefore for many years labored, to give, a King to England; but, my lords, the ill success of all their past attempts convinces. me, that they have nothing to hope from any future efforts of the same kind, and that therefore we need not have recourse to new degrees of severity, or enact penal laws of an extraordinary kind to prevent that which experience has shewn impossible to be accomplished.

"What could not be accomplished by the power or the policy of the great French monarch, may, very justly, be considered by his successor as an hopeless project; for the French counsels do not now appear to be guided by the wisdom which at that time was discovered in all their treaties and negotiations, nor have their arms yet acquired that reputation which filled half the nations of the world with terror. They are not able now to influence kingdoms by their manifestos, or to revive a dejected party by the promise of their assistance: they are now indeed wealthy and powerful, but they are not weal

VOL. I.

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thy