pened to come into contact. We have also glanced at the very different sort of disposition by which he seems to have been actuated with regard to those who stood most in need of his charitable offices as a Christian and a clergyman. Let the following passage be our justification for the latter remark. The threat with which it concludes is ludicrous enough. We need hardly say that we do not believe there is a single captain in his majesty's navy who would sanction the sentiments which are here expressed.

We have been much incommoded by the number of the passengers; and the difficulty of finding them births is not small. I cannot, in this place, forbear throwing out a hint to those who may hereafter be favoured with a passage in a man-of-war, not to consider themselves as sailing in a public conveyance; nor to assume such a deportment as may authorise a_conclusion, that they think themselves conferring a favour, rather than receiving one. I would also humbly suggest, that to press upon the goodnature of the captain, even when it is obviously contrary to his inclination; to solicit a passage for one port, and being arrived, to require it for "another, and another, and another," is as indelicate as for any one to come a mere stranger to your house, and, finding the quarters good, there to set up his rest. The cases are perfectly similar; and it seems to me to imply such a total want of proper feeling, as to render those, who are thus deficient, objects of merited contempt. I cannot, for my part, comprehend the principle on which they act. A person is slightly introduced to a captain of a man-of-war, in order to obtain a gratuitous present of bed and board. The cost is wholly on the side of the commander; and if he be not a man of independent fortune, he has to endure a tax upon his income, which he can perhaps very hardly support. Besides this, he is obliged to surrender his own comforts to the encroachments of his passengers, who, in many cases, think themselves entitled to the attention which they would exact from the hired servant of a packet-boat.

What I have here said, I wish to be understood as a common feeling among the officers of a man-of-war; and without meaning to impute any thing further to particular individuals than inexperience and want of consideration, it may be useful to future voyagers, to understand in what light their presence is considered, and how they are expected to act. We have, indeed, several distinguished exceptions to the method upon which I have animadverted; but I am persuaded some comment is needed for the rest: and I hope it will be taken in good part.

'With regard to the ward-room passengers, a system somewhat different is, for various reasons, adopted: but here too, I have seen more than one individual conduct himself as he would, where not only a full equivalent was paid, but where his superiority of rank authorized an unceremonious disposal of whatsoever he might desire. Such practices never will be tolerated in a man-of-war; at least, not on a peace establishment, when the officers are generally men of fortune and family. For the present I quit the subject; if I should see occasion, it shall certainly be resumed.'-Vol. i. pp. 260–262.

Here is a Christian divine! who, perhaps, would have felt no difficulty after he wrote this passage in preparing a discourse of which the text would be the parable of the good Samaritan!

As our author has set forth, among the principal attractions of this work, the account of his visit to the camp of Ibrahim Pacha, the reader may, perhaps, feel some curiosity to know what has been detailed on this point. Mr. Swan, and several gentlemen from the Cambrian, having landed at Calamata, proceeded through Tripolitza and by Mount Taygetus, where they, for the first time, perceived traces of the Turkish army.

'We travelled through groves of olives and mulberries at the foot of Mount Taygetus. After a while the country assumed the appearance of nicely arranged shrubberies, all the plants usually seen in English pleasure-grounds being found indigenous here: but, in fact, the prospect was for ever varying.

Near the foot of a small river, or rather brook, lay an Arab soldier, apparently dying from fatigue. We gave him water and a little bread, and being unable to render any further assistance, left him to his fate. Above the hill, of which the stream just spoken of formed the base, we found a village on fire, called Dakne, (Sir W. Gell calls it Daphne), and a second further on to the right, termed Allovesovan. Here we overtook

another Arab, but no persuasion could induce him to answer our questions; either fear or disease, probably both, rendered him pertinaciously silent. I say both, because a Piedmontese physician at Tripolitza informed us, that the Arabs devoured such quantities of grapes and drank so much water as to bring on the dysentery, of which great numbers had died. Not long after our encounter with the Arab, we observed the naked carcase of a Greek, mangled in a most shocking manner by the vultures, of which numbers were sailing about our path.

Descending a steep hill called Ellade, which overlooks the plain of Helos and the sea, including a distant view of Cerigo, we overtook some stragglers from the Pacha's army-the poorest wretches imaginable, all shreds and patches. On the plain half a dozen villages were smoking; the conflagration had been spread in every direction. A large flame broke out from a plot of reeds as we passed; and men were just ready to apply fresh fire to hedges formed of dry leaves. A little after we observed a column of the army moving to the left, and we immediately took a similar direction, supposing it the main body of Ibrahim's troops. It proved, however, to be a detachment under the command of Husseim Pacha. As we advanced several heavy guns were fired, and presently several mules, bearing a number of dead and wounded, attended by a guard of soldiers, approached us. We took our station on a rising ground, which commanded the sea and the troops of the Pacha moving along the brow of an eminence in front. The firing still continued, and several dead men, bound upon the backs of mules, passed close to us. At the same moment, a ball which appeared to have scaled the surface of the post chosen by the Egyptian troops, fell within forty or fifty yards from our party. They now formed into a square, and moved a small distance from the side of the height, so as to have the ridge between them and the enemy, and then appeared to be retreating. We could perceive a mistico lying at anchor close to the shore, keeping up a brisk fire; there were, at the same time, several discharges of musquetry from men who had landed. The object of the Turks was to take possession of two small castles, each contain

ing a garrison of two hundred and fifty soldiers.* A body of men who were now leisurely passing us on their return, we obtained as a guard. They were organized Arabs, and their captain carried a thick stick in his hand to drive them forward: this he applied with apparent good will to the shoulders of any stragglers from the company. When we reached the main camp, which might be four miles from the place of action, such a scene of confusion displayed itself as I had never before witnessed. Mi serable-looking beings were every where stretched upon the ground, oppressed by extreme fatigue, while the whole character of what passed reminded me of nothing so much as the turbulence, without the merriment, of an English fair. There was but one tent in the plain, and thus their ragged, wretched bodies were exposed to the burning heats of noon, except in cases where olive-trees supplied a shade: but the greater part of the army were entirely deprived of such protection. The most fortunate had stationed themselves on the banks of a beautiful river or stream, (the Eurotas) which was full of excellent water, and as clear as crystal, broad, but shallow.'-Vol. ii. pp. 233–237.

The party were shown by an Arab guard into a cottage, where they found Ibrahim Pacha, pipe in hand,' reclining on a

couch.

'He is a stout, broad, brown-faced, vulgar-looking man, thirty-five or forty years of age, marked strongly with the small pox. His countenance possesses little to engage, but. when he speaks, which he does with considerable energy and fluency, it becomes animated and rather striking. He frequently accompanies his words with a long drawling cry, which to European ears sounds ridiculous enough. His manner carries with it that sort of decision which is, perhaps, the common appanage of despotism : deprived of this he would resemble an uneducated, hard-favoured seaman of our own country-and, I think, I have somewhere seen his exact coun. terpart-but it may be merely fancy. He was plainly clothed for a Turk ; and his camp establishment altogether had none of that parade and luxury which we are accustomed to attach to eastern warfare.'—Vol. ii. pp. 237, 238.

The following exposition of his intentions with respect to the Morea seems to have been given with the most perfect sincerity.

'Speaking of the Morea, although he regretted the necessity of his present proceedings, yet it was his intention to pursue them to the ut most. He would burn and destroy the whole Morea; so that it should neither be profitable to the Greeks nor to him, nor to any one. What would these infatuated men, the dupes of their own imbecile government, do for provisions in the winter? He knew that his own soldiers would also suffer that they too must perish, But his father Mehemet Ali was training forty thousand men, and he was in daily expectation of a rein. forcement of twelve thousand. If these were cut off he would have more; and he would persevere till the Greeks returned to their former state,

*The country where they are situated is called Trinese. It is not far from Marathonisi, in the gulf of that name, called also Colochina or Colokithia.

One of the castles on the plain, he said, had just been carried by assault, and the garrison all put to the sword; the other was expected to fall immediately. He repeated, "I will not cease till the Morea be a ruin." The sultan has already conferred upon him the title and insignia of Pacha of this unhappy land; "and" said his highness, "if the good people of England who are so fond of sending money to the Greeks would send it directly to me it would save them considerable trouble; eventually it all comes to my treasury. I have taken heaps of purses from the Greek soldiers filled with English sovereigns."-Vol. ii. pp. 240, 241. On another occasion he observed,

"The best thing for the Greeks," continued the despot, "would be an unconditional surrender. Let them return to their former condition. You know the extent of the population in Egypt: I will gain my object at whatever sacrifice; and I hope that a good God will enable me to do 80!"

'Janetta, our guide, imagined that a relative of his-a lad, was a prisoner in the camp of the Turks; and he entreated us to procure his release. Accordingly, the request was made. Ibrahim laughed; “Oh!” said he, "the boy has turned Turk; and I have sent him along with three hundred other Greek lads to a military school, which I have established at Cairo.”—Vol. ii. p. 245.

We presume that, after these declarations, there can be no longer any doubt entertained of the intentions of Mehemet Ali, and his good son, with respect to Greece. It would be a striking event if, in the order of Providence, these two warriors should be suffered to restore the Turkish power to its former vigour in Europe, at an epoch when it was actually tottering on the verge of destruction.

Here Mr. Swan closes his journal for the present. If he means to continue it, we trust that he will exchange his propensity to rhodomontade for a small portion of common sense. Had we been disposed to treat him with severity, we might have extracted many specimens of his composition that would do no honour to the university of which he was lately a member. He has given, in an appendix, a translation of an essay on the Fanariotes, written in French by Mark Philip Zallony, a Greek, and published at Marseilles in the year 1824. It is a work of very considerable interest, and is drawn up with much ability. The Fanariotes compose a class of Greeks belonging to the ritual of the eastern church, and they are so called from Fanar, the quarter of Constantinople which they principally occupy. In consequence of the law which forbids a Turk to learn any of the languages in use among those who do not believe in the Alcoran, the Fanariotes were originally employed as translators, next as drogomans, or interpreters, to the divan, and, in modern times, they have had sufficient influence to obtain the dangerous honour of being appointed hospodars of Mol davia and Walachia. The massacre of the Greeks at Constantinople, in 1821, gave a heavy blow to the power of the Fanariotes, but it is not considered as yet wholly subdued. We recommend this essay to the attention of the reader.

272

ART. V. The Contest of the Twelve Nations; or, a View of the different Bases of Human Character and Talent. 8vo. pp. 628. 188. Edinburgh. Oliver and Boyd. 1826.

It would be the easiest thing in the world to exhibit this volume, and its anonymous author, for unqualified ridicule and general derision; for the book is in many respects the most whimsical and extravagant composition which it has ever fallen under our vocation to notice; broaching the wildest and most unsubstantial theories with the same confident surety as if they were demonstrable for mathematical truths; placing facts and errors in constant communion; and mingling gratuitous hypothesis and crude speculation, fair premises and false conclusions, plausible argument and monstrous deduction, in ludicrous confusion and admired disorder.' But, notwithstanding all the weak and ridiculous points of the book, we shall carefully abstain from treating it merely as a fruitful source of the burlesque. We happen to be fully alive to the real curiosity of the author's subject; and we shall not render it so much prejudice as to convert it into a jest, merely because he has unconsciously caricatured its outlines and travestied its form.

The physiology of human character may really be numbered as among not the least interesting departments of metaphysical science. Enquiries into the natural causes of the diversity of character in the human race, if rationally conducted, would not deserve to be regarded either with contempt or neglect; and in fact few subjects of intellectual speculation would possess greater attraction for a reflecting mind. The attempt to trace the causes of national character, to examine whence its diversities proceed, and to determine, through historical examples and comparisons, how far these are produced and influenced by distinctions in race, in climate, in the prevailing occupations of industry, in government, and in other political institutions-all this must be full of curiosity and interest, and would probably develope many incidental and collateral facts of the very highest importance, though the results of the enquiry would scarcely be reducible into a fixed and unerring system of judgment. But this whole subject of the physiology of human character is still in its earliest infancy, and may even date its origin as a study from our own times. The disposi tion to pursue so curious an investigation should be freely encouraged; not only facts discovered, but also the errors which are brought to the surface in the agitation of enquiry, may have their utility; and we should desire to direct serious public attention even to such fanciful productions as the volume before us, were it only from the conviction, that the discussion of the vainest and most erroneous theories on such a topic must necessarily elicit some scintillations of truth.

Yet it must be confessed, that it is not always easy to treat the contents of the present work with gravity, nor to resist the pro