Louis Philippe, in his flight from the Tuileries is said to have been heard to ex

quarters of an hour. He told the adjoint he had been basely deceived. In the evening his valet, clothes for the King; for in his hurry he had Provost, arrived at St. Cloud, bringing some taken nothing. This valet had, in the morning, with tears in his eyes, said concessions must be made to the people, that Paris was very agitated. What think you was the reply? "Tis only the gossip of the cafés, we will bring them to reason; in a few hours all will be settled.""

Another account says:—

"The ex-King, when he left the Tuileries with the Queen, got into a brougham in the Place de la Concorde, and drove off to St. Cloud at such a

horse was too exhausted to mount the hill leading
to the Chateau. Several men pushed the carriage
up, however. After taking some papers, the ex-
king entered a hackney coach at St. Cloud and
drove off to Versailles, and thence to Trianon.
He in a short time entered a travelling carriage;
but before leaving the park he saw at a distance,
approaching towards him, six men on horseback,
and became afraid that they were in search of him.

He, therefore, ordered the coachman to stop,
alighted, and ran into a guard-house at the gate of
and concealed himself behind a stove.
the park, near the railroad station (Montretout),
The men
having passed, an aide-de-camp informed him
there was no danger. He accordingly re-entered
the carriage and drove off."

claim in the anguish of a wounded spirit, comme Charles X.!" but the comparison, although not a favorable one, is yet too flattering to the former to be just. Charles the Tenth, when he quitted France after the Revolution of July, 1830, proceeded to the coast by slow and easy stages, not as a prisoner, but with a military escort as a guard of honor. Louis-Philippe, had he requested it, might have been supplied with a similar escort, and travelled in state, with all the comforts of a coach-rate, that when they had crossed the bridge the and-six, the whole of his journey. The only anxiety of the new government, as we have seen from the event, was, that his journey should not be interrupted; and the feeling of the populace towards him was manifested in the exclamations heard from the crowd, "Let him depart-we are not assassins !" "Bon voyage!" To have detained Louis-Philippe, or any members of the royal family, would have been an embarrassment to the new government they were most anxious to avoid. The arrest was ordered, pro forma, of M. Guizot and his colleagues, but no active measures for their apprehension followed. When information was given at the Hotel de Ville of the place of concealment of some of the ex-ministers and others, hints were conveyed to the fugitives that it would be expedient to choose another. All were suffered to flee who wished to escape the possible consequences of the part they had acted. We read, therefore, with no sympathy of the privations endured by the exmonarch before his arrival in England; but they are worth noting, as indicating the deep distrust and total misapprehension of the character of the French people, which seem to have influenced him to the last, and the profound indifference of the latter to any possible efforts that may hereafter be made by him or his descendants for the recovery of the crown. The following particulars are from the " National :".

"The mayor and ex-adjoint were absent when the ex-King arrived at St. Cloud on Thursday about three o'clock, escorted by some national guards and dragoons to prevent his being annoyed. The commandant cried that the King had abdicated. After having descended from the little carriage in which he had come, he asked to have ridinghorses. Being told there were none, he went into the public omnibus, which took him to Versailles. He was accompanied by the Queen, the Duke and Duchess of Montpensier, and the Duchess of Nemours. He only stayed at the chateau three

in the Journal de la République,' states A letter received from Dreux, published that the flight of Louis-Philippe had been so unforeseen that it was necessary, at Trianon, to make a subscription for his travelfrancs, with which sum he proceeded in a ling expenses, which produced about 200 hired vehicle from Versailles to Dreux.

"Here they put up at the house of a person on whose fidelity they could rely, where they passed the night. This friend, whom we understand to tives and suite, the King habiting himself in an be a farmer, procured disguises for the Royal fugiold cloak and an old cap, having first shaved his whiskers, discarded his wig, and altogether so disguised himself as to defy the recognition even of his most intimate friends. The other disguises were also complete.

Although we have stated above that they passed the night at Dreux, they started long before daylight on their way to La Ferté Vidame, where Mr. Packham had been building a mill on some private property of Louis-Philippe. On their route they were accompanied by the farmer, who promised to see them in safety to the coast through a country with which he was well acquainted. They took the road of Evreux, 12 to 15 leagues from Honfleur. They travelled chiefly by night, and reached Honfleur at 5 o'clock on Saturday morning. They remained at Honfleur in the house of a gentleman whom the king knew for a short time, and then crossed to Trouville, a short distance from the town. It was their inten

vernment.

(Signed) Dupont (de l'Eure), Lamartine, Lechaux, Arago, Bethmont, Marie, Carnot Cavaignac, Garnier Pagès.

dru-Rollin, Bedeau, Michael Goud

"Such are the first acts of the Provisional Go- | Office of Longitudes, enjoys an European has always been known as an enemy of prireputation. In France, as a politician he vilege and corruption. M. Ledru-Rollin, late deputy for Mans, was subjected to a government prosecution for an election speech, and thus obtained notoriety and popularity. He sat on the extreme left, and defended with ability the ultra democratic opinions of "La Réforme," against the policy, not only of M. Guizot, but also of M. Thiers and Odilon Barrot. Of

Of the members of the Provisional Government it may be briefly observed, that M. Dupont (de l' Eure) had attained by age, being in his 80th year, the venerable title of "Father of the Chamber of Deputies." He had taken part, when a young man, in the first revolution of 1789, the qualifications for a future ministry of in which commenced that struggle with monarchy which had lasted down to the present day; and his whole life had been one of honorable consistency. In 1842, the respect entertained for him by the French people, was shown by his election for four separate constituencies in the Department of the Eure.-He sat for Ev

reux.

Of the literary and practical reputation of M. de Lamartine we need not speak. His position in the Chamber of Deputies was that of Burke in the House of Commons, but with higher aims, and less narrow party sympathies than the English orator. His "History of the Girondists," which all men should read who would understand the political tendencies of the age, had prepared the way for the late revolution, by reviving the discussion of republican ideas, and pointing out the causes of their former failure. In the Chamber of Deputies he represented Macon. M. Crémieux, late Deputy for Chiron, is a free-trader, whose parliamentary career, as a leading member of the opposition, has been in part distinguished, like that of Mr. Bright, by an agitation against the game laws. M. Arago, as a mathematician, secretary of the Academy of Sciences, and member of the A subsequent proclamation gives the following distribution of Cabinet Offices:

M. Dupont (de l'Eure) President of the Council,
(without Portfolio).

M. de Lamartine, Minister of Foreign Affairs.
M. Crémieux, Minister of Justice.
M. Ledru Rollin, Minister of the Interior.

M. Michel Goudchaux, Minister of Marine.

General Bedeau, Minister of War.

M. Garnier Pagès, great expectations had been entertained by the members of the opposition.

These were the men, who, from their position in the late legislature, it was necessary to put prominently forward to secure public confidence; but the two men in France, to whom, more perhaps than any other, may be traced the energy and decision which frustrated the views of M. Thiers and Odilon Barrot for a Regency, and caused a Republic to be proclaimed, were M. de Lamartine and Armand Marrast; the latter twelve years ago, an exile in England-an escaped political prisoner from St. Pelagie, flying from the vengeance of Louis-Philippe; subsequently the Ediditor of the National, and in that capacity rendering himself formidable to the government, by his unrivalled powers of sarcasm, and as, in some respects, the ablest journalist of France.

The courage, eloquence, and judicious conduct of M. de Lamartine have been the theme of just and universal admiration. The happiest effects resulted from his influence over the people; and among these, perhaps not the least was his successful appeal to the armed crowds before the Hotel de Ville to throw away the red flag of the first revolution, which they had at first raised as the flag of the Republic (and which had excited general alarm as an emblem of blood), and to adhere to the tricolor, under which the armies of France had marched to victory. Addressing them for the fifth time during the day, and with muskets brandished about his head, from

M. Carnot, Minister of Public Instruction, (a the yet prevailing feeling of distrust of the

son of Carnot of the Convention).

M. Bethmont, Minister of Commerce.
M. Marie, Minister of Public Works.
General Cavaignac, Governor General of Algeria.
M. Garnier Pagès, Mayor of Paris.*

† An English translation has been published by Bohn, in 3 vols.

intentions of the Provisional Government in regard to a compromise with royalty, he said

"Citizens for my part I will never adopt the red flag; and I will explain in a word why I This office was soon after assigned to M. Marrast; M. will oppose it with all the strength of my patriotGarnier Pages undertaking the duties of Minister ofism. It is, citizens, because the tricolor flag has

Finance.

made the tour of the world, with our liberties and | vernment lasted night and day, without inour glories, and that the red flag has only made the termission, for sixty hours, during which it tour of the Champs de Mars, trailed through tor- was besieged at every moment by tumultuous ents of the blood of the people."* crowds or deputations; but finally succeedNever had orator a greater triumph. ing in inspiring all with confidence in the The people who had refused to listen to integrity and firmness of its intentions. him, drowning his voice in their clamors, When, on the Saturday, February 26, its gradually became softened, shed tears, and first initiative labors were brought to a finished by lowering their arms, throwing close, M. de Lamartine again descended away their flags, and peaceably dispersing the steps of the great staircase of the Hotel de Ville, and presenting himself in front of the edifice, with his colleagues, thus expressed himself:

to their homes.

The first sitting of the Provisional Go

The allusion here is to the "Massacre of the Champs de Mars." July 17, 1791. The flight of the king (Louis XVI.) from Paris having led to riotous demonstrations, during which some unprovoked murders had been committed, the National guard assembled to disperse the populace. The result is thus described by Lamartine in his " History of the Girondists."

"Citizens-

"The Provisional Government of the Republic has called upon the people to witness its gratitude for the magnificent national co-operation which has just accepted these new institutions.

"The Provisional Government of the Republic has only joyful intelligence to announce to the people here assembled.

"Royalty is abolished.

"The Republic is proclaimed.

"The people will exercise their political rights. "National workshops are open for those who are without work. (Immense acclamations.)

"This is the noblest decree, Gentlemen, that has ever issued from the mouths of a people the day after their victory. (Yes, yes!') It is the

"Bailly, Lafayette, and the municipal body, with the red flag, marched at the head of the first column. The pas de charge beaten by 400 drums, and the first rolling of the cannon over the stones, announced the arrival of the national army. These sounds drowned for an instant the hollow murmurs and the shrill cries of 50,000 men, women, and children, who filled the centre of the Champs de Mars, or crowded on the glacis. At the moment "The army is being re-organized. The Nawhen Bailly debouched between the glacis, the tional Guard indissolubly unites itself with the populace, who from the top of the bank looked people, so as to promptly restore order with the down on the mayor, the bayonets, and the artillery, same hand that had only the preceding moment burst into threatening shouts and furious outcries conquered our liberty. (Renewed acclamations.) against the National Guard. Down with the red Finally, Gentlemen, the Provisional Governflag! Shame to Bailly! Death to Lafayette!' The ment was anxious to be itself the bearer to you of people in the Champs de Mars responded to these the last decree it has resolved on and signed in cries with unanimous imprecations. Lumps of this memorable sitting; that is, the abolition of wet mud, the only arms at hand, were cast at the the penalty of death for political offences. (UnaniNational Guard, and struck Lafayette's horse, the red flag, and Bailly himself; and it is even said, semous bravos.) veral pistol-shots were fired from a distance; this, however, was by no means proved; the people had no intention of resisting-they wished only to intimidate. Bailly summoned them to disperse legally, to which they replied by shouts of derision; and he then, with the grave dignity of his office, and the mute sorrow that formed part of his character, ordered them to be dispersed by force. Lafayette first ordered the Guard to fire in the air; but the people, encouraged by this vain demonstration, formed into line before the National Guard, who then fired a discharge that killed and wounded 600 persons-the republicans say, 10,000. At the same moment the ranks opened, the cavalry charged, and the artillerymen prepared to open their fire, which, on this dense mass of people, would have taken fearful effect. Lafayette, unable to restrain his soldiers by his voice, placed himself before the cannon's mouth, and by this heroic act saved the lives of thousands. In an instant the Champs de Mars was cleared, and naught remain ed on it save the dead bodies of women and children, trampled under foot, or those flying before the cavalry; and a few intrepid men on the steps of the altar of their country, who amidst a murderous fire,and at the cannon's mouth, collected, in order to preserve them, the sheets of the petition, as proofs of the wishes, or bloody pledges of the future vengeance of the people, and they only retired when they had obtained them."

This just and generous sentiment of the Provisional Government, and the decree of "death" of the National Convention in 1792, after the trial and condemnation of Louis XVI., form one of the most striking contrasts of history. In Lamartine's "History of the Girondists," the conduct of the Duke of Orleans (the father of Louis-Philippe), at the memorable sitting when judgment was pronounced, arrests the attention of the reader. The votes of the Convention were taken openly, and with a proud solemnity befitting the occasion. Every member mounted in his turn the tribune, and raised his voice for "death," or "exile," or "imprisonment." The twenty-one deputies for Paris all voted for DEATH.

"The Duc D'Orleans was the last called. Deep silence followed his name. Sillery, his confidant and favorite, had voted against death. It was expected that the prince would vote as his friend had done, or would refuse in the name of nature and of blood. Even the Jacobins anticipated this exception; but he would not be excepted. He ascended the steps slowly and unmoved, unfolded a paper which he held in his hand, and read with the voice of a stoic these words: Solely occupied with my duty, convinced that all who have at

character of the French nation which escapes in stinct, that whether or not the people were one spontaneous cry from the soul of its Govern- prepared for Republican institutions, the ment. (Yes, yes; Bravo.') We have brought time was come when a trial of them must it with us, and I will now read it to you.

There

is not a more becoming homage to a people than be made; for after the fall of a government which but a few days before had enjoyed the spectacle of its own magnanimity." the reputation of being one of the strongest in Europe, and then suddenly vanished like a mist, there could be no further hope of security for person or property under the protection of royalty.

The abolition of the punishment of death for political offences, at the moment when the Royal Family and the ex-ministers were flying for their lives or trembling in concealment, was indeed a noble inspiration; In this unanimity, which even subseand it probably did more than any other quent distress, arising from financial and act of the Provisional Government to pro- commercial difficulties has not in the least duce that general conviction of the justness disturbed, lies the safety of the Republic. and moderation of their views, which led It is a guarantee against the recurrence of the entire nation to accept the new men, as the sanguinary scenes of the first revoluthe indispensable necessity of the time, with tion. The timid English who have fled an unanimity to which there is hardly a from Paris in the belief that the new poparallel in history. On the part of the litical clubs that have sprung into existarmy, Marshal Bugeaud; on the part of ence, will, by exciting the passions of the the clergy, the Archbishop of Paris; gave people, lead to another reign of terror, in their adhesion to the new Republic. On have entirely mistaken the character of exthe part of the middle classes, whether in isting circumstances in relation to those of Paris or in the provinces, and of the whole the past. The Jacobin clubs of 1791 were press, without a solitary exception, there the leaders of a perpetual revolt against a does not appear to have been the hesitation court guilty of perpetual treachery-they of a moment. All seem to have felt by in- were the terrible, but energetic defenders of their country against the armies of a foreign coalition.

tempted, or shall attempt hereafter, the sovereignty of the people, merit death, I vote for "death." These words fell in the silence, and to the astonish- But neither the duplicity of the court, ment, of the party to whom the Duc D'Orleans nor the foreign coalition, would have given seemed to concede them as a pledge. He did not find, even from the Mountain, a look, a gesture, or any mischievous influence to the clubs of a voice that applauded him. The Montagnards, Paris during the first revolution, but for whilst condemning to death a captive and disarm- an act of the National Assembly, origied king, might wound justice, affright mankind, nating in patriotism, of which the consbut they did not appal nature. Nature revolted in them against the vote of the first prince of the quences have not been understood. This blood. A shudder pervaded the benches and tribunes of the assembly."

Another decree, subsequently issued, but conceived in the same spirit, a spirit worthy of a great cause, must not be passed over in silence; it marks an epoch in the moral history of nations.

This feeling was put to the test by a feeble atthe elder branch of the Bourbons, which ended in tempt on the part of the few remaining friends of the following ridiculous failure:-

"Ten young men attempted on Saturday even. ing," says the Courrier Français, "to get up a Legi"THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. timist manifestation in the Faubourg St. Germain. "LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATERNITY. The people, seeing them all dressed in black, with "The Provisional Government of the Republic, white cockades in their hats, cried out Tiens! considering that during the last fifty years every Tiens! A funeral! They are undertakers' men!' new government that constituted itself required and The young men, finding the people in such good received oaths, which were successively replaced humor, immediately set to work. Friends,' exby others at every political change; considering claimed they, remember Henry IV., and proclaim that the first duty of every republican is to be de- his descendant. Long live Henry V. The peovoted without any reservation to the country, and ple, in the same good humor, immediately cried that every citizen who, under the government of out, Ah, how is he, the dear prince? Is he not the Republic, accepts functions or continues in the dead? So much the better! Make our compliexercise of those he occupied, contracts in a still more special manner the sacred obligation of serving it and devoting himself to its security, de

6

ments to him, if you please, gentlemen. How happy he will be! Henry IV. is dead! Vive la République!' Thus did the people turn Legitimacy to the right about. If we relate this fact, it is merely to add that, in despair for the cause, they immediately went to inscribe themselves at their respective mayoralties, as nearly all the young men of the Faubourg St. Germain had already done. Thus Legitimacy has turned into Republicanism, the wisest thing it could do. Henry IV. is dead. Long live the Republic !'