Here ends the black catalogue.—It would show to the Senate tha those people who most deprecate the evils of slavery and traffic i human flesh, when a profitable market can be found, can sell humaz flesh with as easy a conscience as they sell other articles. The whole number imported by the merchants and planters of Charleston and its vicinity was only two thousand and six. Nor were the slaves imported by the foreigners and other American vessels and owners, sold to the Carolinians, only in a small part. They were sold to the people of the Western States, Georgia,New-Orleans, and a considerable quantity were sent to the West Indies-especially when the market became dull in Carolina."

Thus it would appear to every candid and reflecting mind, that the Southern and Western States, having but little shipping, were manifestly unable to compete with their Northern and Eastern brethren in the prosecution of the Slave Trade, and the latter indulged in it with an extravagance that has no parallel in the history of our country. Let them do us common justice, therefore, and we are willing to share the odium, if any there be, equally even with themselves; they should be the last to upbraid us when we can point to cases of clandestine commerce with Africa, on their part, long after the abolition of the Trade. The Science, the Endymion and the Plattsburgh, all of them fitted out at New-York, were taken possession of by the proper authorities of the United States in the year 1820, for a violation of their laws in this respect.

We have other causes of complaint. The Northern and Eastern sections of our Union have waged a perpetual and incessant war against the interests of the Southern and Western States; and, since our Confederacy, have by means direct and indirect, public and private, carried on a system of Legislation wholly destructive of our safety and prosperity. Under the mask of religion and humanity, of liberty and philanthropy, they have, within a few years past, assumed

an attitude in relation to us, that, if persisted in, must eventually drive us into measures that will necessarily result in a separation of the Union. Such ruinous encroachments have already been made, that we tremble for the security of our Confederacy. "GreatBritain," says Mr. Pinckney, of South-Carolina, in his place on the floor of Congress, "in the heat of the Revolutionary War, and when all her passions were roused by hatred and revenge to the highest pitch, never ventured to inflict upon them such measures as they" (the North and East) "are preparing for them" (the people of the South and West.) The Southern and Western States are too deeply interested in this course of policy to remain passive spectators of the scene. They feel that a bold and determined attack has been. made upon their dearest rights, which, "if successful, must convince them that the Northern and Eastern States are their greatest enemies." Melancholy as this inference may be, it is not the less true.

Notwithstanding their boasted and ostentatious display of humanity, however, the true causes of all the clamor upon the part of the Northern and Eastern States upon the subject of slavery, can be referred to no other definite feeling than a desire to wrest from the Southern and Western States the ascendency that their wealth and talents have given them in the councils of the nation; and, by diminishing their representation, to secure to themselves the whole management of the affairs of Government. They complain that they are not equally represented with ourselves in Congress, and have insultingly arrogated to themselves, during the debate on the "Missouri Question," the right of cutting down, in future, any increase in the prospective representation of the South and West, because they

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consider the "GREAT CONCESSION" which they made at the time of the adoption of the Federal Constitution, in allowing the slave-holding States to be represented in the proportion of three-fifths of the number of their slaves, as one that has put us under an obligation of gratitude that can never be cancelled on our own parts, or too deeply regretted by themselves. They represent this "concession" as a sacrifice by them to the affection which they had for the Union of the States, and their patriotic desire to preserve it from dissolution. This is a gross and manifest error. The histoof that period presents us with a picture directly the reverse. Anterior to, and during the period of our Revolutionary War, all the States, indiscriminately, were in possession of slaves whose treatment and situation in every respect were precisely the same. In the Southern and Middle States, it is true, they were more numerous than in those of the Northern and Eastern, but the latter, nevertheless, had numbers of them. At the time of the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the Northern and Eastern States, who then exhibited a sickly humanity on the introduction of the word Slave in the articles of Confederation, proposed, at their own instance, that the apportionment of taxation by the general Government should be graduated by the value of lands and their improvements. Ever alive, however, to their own interests, they soon discovered that they had surrendered too much to their "qualms of conscience" upon this subject, and instantly, at their own suggestion, substituted a resolution apportioning the amount of taxation by the number of inhabitants in each State, including all the whites and three-fifths of the black population. As a proof that the non-slave-holding States are not entitled

to the slightest degree of credit for what they have falsely termed a "sacrifice" in this particular we have only to refer to the annual reports of the Secretary of the Treasury. These documents will demonstrate at a single glance, that the Southern and Western States have, by this very "concession" on the part of the Northern and Eastern States, deprived themselves of a quota of representation to which they are legitimately, and by all the axioms of political economy, strictly entitled. The former pay a greater amount of taxes to the support of the General Government, and in fact, furnish nearly double of its annual revenue in comparison with the Northern and Eastern States; and this difference is created in a great measure by the value of the labor of our slaves. We will take the year 1820, when the "Missouri Question" was undergoing a full and fatal discussion. In that year, from a report of the Secretary, the exports from the States north of Pennsylvania, inclusive, were only about eighteen millions, while those of the States south of Pennsylvania exceeded thirty-two millions,enabling the latter to import double the value of foreign commodities necessary to our convenience or our luxury, and giving, of course, a double amount of revenue to the country. Thus, while the labor of our slaves is so materially efficient in the support of the Government, and the value of it is nearly double the amount of that of the inhabitants of the Northern and Eastern States, WE are denied the liberty of being represented by but three fifths of that valuable class of our population, "while the whole of the comparatively unproductive inhabitants of the Northern and Eastern States are fully represented." The just and wholesome maxim, therefore, of the

most profound and enlightened political economists, that the representation of a State should be graduated and apportioned, not only by the number of its inhabitants, but, by the value of its products, and its direct agency in contributing to the revenue, is rendered, with regard to us, wholly nugatory; and the Northern and Eastern States are now in the full possession of an advantage that gives them greater strength on the floor of Congress than they are actually entitled to. Their complaints, therefore, are as unfounded as they are unfair. The profligacy of unprincipled ambition may do a great deal, but we hope there is integrity and good sense enough in the country to detect and expose its TARQUIN strides.

With regard to the general question, as it respects the right that one body of men may have of holding another in a state of bondage and of exacting from them any given amount of involuntary service, we have only one or two remarks to make. Very eminent and enlightened men of all countries have differed widely in their views of the subject. Certain it is, that we can trace the institution of slavery as far back as the existence of the world itself; not only in those dark and dismal ages of its infancy, when the lights of civilization glimmered feebly through the gloom of barbarism and ignorance, but in those bright and sunny periods of its history when literature and science poured out their full radiance to enlighten and liberalize the human mind. During the Augustan age of Imperial Rome, this institution was always recognised and protected; and the Jews even, the chosen people of God, during their Theocracy, when, according to the Holy Scriptures, the great Jehovah himself,reverentially be it spoken, directed and inform