rarely been heard in expostulation, and even very generally been perverted into allies and auxiliaries of the insatiable destroyer! If the Peace Society should do nothing more, it would bestow an indescribable benefit by calling attention to this inconsistency. No one hereafter can be found so thoughtless as to desecrate the holy place with a flourish of pagan blasphemy, like that, with which Robert Hall closed his sermon to the volunteers. When the whole company of preachers shall have withdrawn their patronage from the military spirit, and steadfastly taught that the servants of Jesus cannot fight, the church will exercise, unostentatiously but righteously, as decided a power over the kingdoms of the world, as it did in the dark days of its unhallowed despotism; it then proudly trod upon the neck of governments for its own aggrandisement; but now, by its gentle words of truth and love, its doctrines of brotherhood and equal rights, it would so move the hearts of society, as quietly to wrest from the civil arm its long-possessed power to demoralize where it ought to elevate, and destroy where it ought to bless.

The other agency, to be added to the two just referred to, is that of the press. It is unnecessary to say much about it. Its use," its omnipotence," is sufficiently understood, and the friends of peace have been faithful to avail themselves of it. We only would say, that they should" abound therein more and more;” as indeed they show themselves not backward to do. To their valuable collections of essays, tracts, and periodical journals, and their contributions to the newspapers, both religious and secular, they are making daily additions. The Literature of Peace has become quite voluminous; and, simply as literature, it deserves attention, and is entitled to commendation. Indeed it is rich. It has great variety, copiousness, and energy. It It possesses a great deal of vigorous argumentation, overflows with historical illustration, and burns with frequent eloquence alike of logic and pathos, description and persuasion. That department in literature has no mean claims, which possesses Discourses from the three masters of the modern pulpit, Chalmers, Hall, and Channing; the Treatises of Dymond and Upham; the Letters of Captain Thrush; the Essays of Worcester and Ladd; the Tracts of the London Society, and the American Prize Essays. These have been for a long time published, and are some of them extensively known. Other works have been more recently issued, of not inferior interest. The Prize Essay of Mr. Macnamara, lately published

in London, we have already remarked upon. Another work of great value is that of Judge Jay, of New York.*

In this treatise the author, with great clearness and conclusiveness, without the slightest approach to declamation or passion, in the style of a judicial statement, sets forth the wickedness and folly of war, and its utter inefficiency to the accomplishment of its boasted aim; illustrates the argument by a rapid and bold survey of the history of modern Europe; and replies briefly to the most plausible arguments on the other side. He then turns to the other part of his subject, and sets forth his "Plan" for preserving Peace. This embraces what is peculiar and characteristic in the publication. It is seemingly a dissent from the favorite project of the Peace Societies, that, namely, of attempting to persuade the Christian nations to agree simultaneously to the creation of a Tribunal for the adjustment of all future differences, without appeal to arms. He thinks that they are aiming at too much in this attempt; that such a plan must probably fail from its very magnitude; that so vast a scheme can only be brought about step by step; it must begin between some two nations, and through their example and influence spread to a third and fourth, until, in the course of time, it shall embrace all.

"It is not surprising that those who suppose such a tribunal can only be established by a simultaneous movement among the nations, who are to continue warring with each other till the signal is given for universal peace, should be startled at the boldness and absurdity of the project. Of such a project we are wholly guiltless. We have no hope or expectation, in the present state of the world, of a general and simultaneous negociation throughout Christendom, in behalf of a tribunal for the decision of national differences and the suppression of war. Such a movement can only be expected after an extensive, although partial abandonment of the military policy; and must be demanded and effected by the pacific sentiments of mankind. We have no hesitation, therefore, in avowing our belief, that, under existing circumstances, the idea of a Congress of Nations for the extinction of war, is utterly chimerical. But both reason and experience warrant the hope, that some one nation may set an example, which, through the blessing of Providence, may be made instrumental in ushering in the reign of universal peace." -pp. 38, 39.

"WAR AND PEACE; the Evils of the First and a Plan for preserving the Last. By William Jay." 8vo. pp. 48. The copy before us is of a London edition, of 1842.

We are not sure that the author's understanding of the project, which he seems to oppose, is entirely correct, or that its absurdity" is such as he describes it to be. We do not apprehend that the Peace Societies, more than he himself, have any expectation, " in the present state of the world," of effecting a "general and simultaneous negotiation" on this question. They anticipate a very gradual advance toward such an event; probably by one step at a time; and, if they should distinctly describe the steps to be trodden, it is not unlikely that they would be found identical with those proposed by our author. For they, too, are doubtless fully aware, that," under existing circumstances," and before it is "demanded by the pacific sentiments of mankind," the project cannot possibly be executed. The only actual question, then, is, What is the best way of making preparation for the ultimate result? Even on this point we are not clear that any difference of opinion exists; for it has already been the policy of the society, in advocating the great measure of a Congress of Nations, to attempt precisely what Judge Jay recommends that is, to induce the government to submit the decision of difficult questions, as they arise, to friendly arbitration; and, in one instance at least, if we mistake not, it has endeavored to procure a special provision to be inserted in a Treaty, that in all cases, hereafter arising, of misunderstanding between the two powers, recourse shall be had to arbitration, and not to the sword. Now, this is certainly making as rational and practical a beginning as can be desired; and, as we quite agree with Judge Jay, that this all-important revolution in state policy can only be accomplished gradually, we are glad to know that they, who have actively under their charge the efforts to promote it, are not destroying their chance of success by chimerical and absurd notions. Excepting that they keep expressly in view, prominently and boldly, the consummation at which they aim, we see no observable difference between their plans and that of this author.

This Plan is developed in a very satisfactory manner; and we have no doubt that its publication will materially conciliate favor to the entire design. He first seeks to show that no nation is so favorably situated for making the beginning as the United States; he describes in what manner the experiment should be first made; "until, at last, a union might be formed of every Christian nation, for guaranteeing the peace of Christendom, by establishing a tribunal for the adjustment of national

differences, and by preventing all forcible resistance to its decrees." The following passages will be found sufficiently to explain the project, and to show how far it agrees with, and in what respects it differs from, and to what extent it is more practicable and hopeful than the common scheme, a Congress of Nations. We should be glad, if its length permitted us, to copy the whole statement, as we are sensible that very incomplete justice is done to it by our abbreviation. Our hope is, however, that our readers will be induced to refer to the Essay and study the entire work.

"Let us then inquire whether a mode for preserving peace may not be devised that will shock no prejudice, and excite no reasonable alarm. * * *

66

Suppose, in our next treaty with France, an article were inserted of the following import: 'It is agreed between the contracting parties, that if, unhappily, any controversy shall arise between them in respect to the true meaning and stipulation in this present treaty, or in respect to any other subject, which controversy cannot be satisfactorily adjusted by negotiation, neither party shall resort to hostilities against the other; but the matter in dispute shall, by a special convention, be submitted to the arbitrament of one or more friendly powers; and the parties hereby agree to abide by the award which may be given in pursuance of such submission.'

To what well founded objection could such a stipulation be subject? It is true, treaties of this kind have been but of rare occurrence, but all experience is in their favor." * * *

**"We can scarcely anticipate any future national difference, which it would not be more safe and prudent to submit to arbitration than to the chance of war. However just may be our cause, however united our people, we cannot foresee the issue of the conflict, nor tell what new enemies we may be called to encounter, what concessions to make. We have already partially commenced the experiment of arbitration, by referring three of our disputes to as many European sovereigns."

*** "Once assured by such permanent treaties with France and Britain, we should find our alliance courted by the other powers of Europe, who would not readily consent that these two nations should alone have guaranteed to them continued peace, and commerce with the United States. Hence there can be no doubt that they would cheerfully enter into similar treaties with us. Under such circumstances we might offer to our South American neighbors the same stipulations, with full confidence of their cordial acceptance." "" *

VOL. XXXIII 3D S. VOL. XV. NO. III.

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"Before long, minor States would commence the experiment, and the example would be followed by others. In time these treaties would be merged in more extensive alliances, and a greater number of umpires would be selected; nor is it the vain hope of idle credulity, that at last a union might be formed of every Christian nation, for guaranteeing the peace of Christendom, by establishing a Tribunal for the adjustment of national differences, and by preventing all forcible resistance to its decrees. pp. 40-46.

We must not omit, among the recent publications to which we have alluded above, the address of the President of the American Peace Society, at the anniversary in May last.* Such addresses are usually and unavoidably of an ephemeral character, which answer their immediate purpose and are forgotten. This is one of those, which may be made useful in a protracted existence, and whose circulation among the tracts of the Society would do good service. It is full of right thoughts expressed with strength and feeling; very decided, fair, and Christian, with occasional passages of singular pithiness and some originality. The appearance of such pamphlets confirms all that we venture to expect from the auxiliary agency of the press.

Here we pause for the presentabruptly; much remains unsaid. Many auspicious signs of growing zeal, activity, and progress, remain to be noticed on some future occasion. Meantime let the friends of religion and humanity, "thank God and take courage." The history of the past, the omens of the present, and the predictions of Providence and revelation concerning the future, are all eloquent with promise. The day for doubt and hesitation has gone by. Hope has become assurance. From every quarter, as the world advances, it is testified to, with stronger emphasis every day, that nothing so essentially irrational as war, so intrinsically barbarous, so inimical to the true interests of an advancing civilization, and to the doctrines and laws, the spirit, purposes, and promises of Christianity, can hold its place against the well-concerted, persevering assaults of reason, humanity, and faith.

M. W., jr.

*"WAR AND CHRISTIANITY: An Address before the American Peace Society, on the fourteenth anniversary in Boston, Massachusetts, May 23, 1842. By Samuel E. Coues: Published by request of the Society, at the Depository, No. 22, Court Street. 8vo. pp. 26."