me from America seems to be confirmed from all quarters. Judge Howard is lately arrived here from New-York; he tells me that a number of gentlemen of influence and property, who have been lying on their oars to see which way the game would finally go, as I suppose, have lately come in, among whom is the famous Mr. Smith, the lawyer;* that they, together with Mr. Galloway, are unanimously of opinion, that from the unexpected tyranny of the Congress and their sub-devils, the almost universal poverty and distress of the people, and the general aversion to French connections, the quondam union of the thirteen states is upon the point of dissolution; and that nothing is wanting but a single effort to crush the rebellion, root and branch. Judge Howard says he heard Smith say, 'if Great Britain don't conquer the colonies, it can only be because she won't;' that these gentlemen have been much with the commissioners, by whom they have been greatly attended to. With these favorable accounts from America, I can't help connecting the union that appears in parliament, respecting the grand point, the reduction of the colonies; for though the opposition to ministry is still faintly kept up for form's sake, yet the language is so different from that held in former sessions, that I can't help thinking a sense of public danger, and a regard to national interest and honor, begin to prevail over private resentments. From all these appearances, I augur well; and I am happy in finding the general opinion among my friends and acquaintances is, that the prospect of a speedy and happy suppression of the rebellion is fairer now than it ever has been."

- p. 207.

What precisely were the views of Mr. Curwen as to what the future should be, supposing the Colonies to be defeated in the great struggle, nowhere appears. So far as we observe, he carried his thoughts no further, than to a condition of dependency on the English Government for an unlimited period, very much such as had obtained before the breaking out of the revolt. He may have held the belief that in process of time a separation and independency might be peaceably effected, which many, at the present day, think might have happened. But it may well be questioned, whether the jealousies and envyings, the rivalries and prejudices which existed among the thirteen English Colonies-nay, their unavoidable ignorance of each other, their necessary estrangement, owing to the vast terri tory over which they were spread, and the then impossibility of

* The historian of New-York, and chief justice during the war; subsequently of Canada.

general communication, would ever have permitted them to associate in friendly union; and whether the war which brought them together to consult for a common deliverance from common dangers, and melted them together before they were aware, through mutual sympathies and cares, was not, humanly speaking, at necessary pre-requisite to the union that was afterwards formed

whether it was not for this reason, rather than because it was a resistance of oppression on principle, one of the most necessary wars of which history furnishes a record. It is to this day, we suspect, the feeling of 76 that binds us together quite as much as the constitution; blood has proved a stronger cement than ink. Who shall say that the single war of the revolution of seven years, was not the preventive remedy that saved this continent from seven times seven years of civil broil and slaughter, among thirteen separate, independent, hostile sovereignties?

We pass by many interesting letters on American topics; and on others, one especially containing an account of the Gordon riots, which we should be glad to extract, had we space. The news of the closing events of the war, received from time to time, give rise to reflections like those we have already quoted. A lively account is given of the breaking up of Lord North's administration, and of the obstinacy of the king on the occasion, amounting almost to madness, which is worth citing, and which must close our political chapter.

"Dec. 4. Called on Mr. Heard at Herald's office; there learned, in a conversation with a Mr. Webb, of seeming great political knowledge, that at the time the House of Commons left the late administration in a minority, or in other words, refused to support Lord North's measures, the king took it to heart, and resented it so far as to declare he would leave them (as he expressed it) to themselves, and go over to Hanover, from whence his family came, and proceeded so far as to order the administration to provide two yachts to transport himself there; whereupon the queen interfered, and remonstrated against such a desperate measure, so fatal to her and his family, as well as his own personl interest. Others, too, represented the distressful condition to which the nation would be reduced by the absence and want of royal authority, though it seemed to little effect, so sadly chagrined and provoked was he.

"Lord Rockingham also joined the remonstrants, and showed the necessity of a change of men and measures, with no better success; - so naturally obstinate and pertinaciously bent was he on his favorite plan of subjugating his (here called) re

bellious subjects in America, and bringing them to his feet, till he was told that as sure as he set his foot out of the kingdom, the parliament would declare the crown abdicated and the throne vacant; nor would he ever be permitted to reënter the kingdom again, which argument, it seems, brought him to a more cool and juster sight of the folly of such a step, and the absolute necessity of stooping to a compliance with the requisitions of the public. I do not pretend to indicate the measures of opposition, but a more unsuccessful administration, from whatever cause it proceeded, which time will satisfactorily perhaps explain, was never before engaged to promote royal designs. What may be the condition of Great Britain and America at the period of the present distressful war, God knows; for my own part, I tremble at the event, as desirable as it may be, for I can view neither country without the most fearful apprehensions of dreadful distresses; whoever began and voluntarily continued this unreasonable, pernicious dispute, does and will deserve the execration of this and future ages, and in the language of **** The child will rue, that is yet unborn, the fatal measures of Lord North's administration." "

:

"Dec. 5. The king delivered his speech from the throne. I went to see him robe and sit on the throne at the House of Lords he was clothed in green, laced with gold when he came, and when he went in red laced; it being the custom to change his garments. The tail of his wig was in a broad, flowing, loose manner; called the coronation tail. His abode in the lords' chamber scarce exceeded half an hour, in which he read his speech of eleven pages.

"As one proof among many, that might be given of the restraint and disguise of real sentiments on the part of courtiers, from the highest character in the presence chamber to the lowest lounger and attendant at ministerial levees, take the following: When the king found himself obliged to take new ministers, and give up Lord North and his associates, it is notorious that it was abhorrent to the royal mind; and being naturally of a pertinacious, obstinate temper, was with the utmost difficulty brought to yield a reluctant consent. On the first court day after the appointment, when he was in a manner forced out of his closet into the room of audience, he received his new servants with a smile, and transacted business with them afterwards with as much seeming cordiality and openness, as if they had been in his favor, and in his most intimate conceits; so seemingly satisfied and so serene was the royal countenance, that all the newspapers sounded forth the gracious monarch's obliging, condescending goodness to the public wishes, though

nothing was farther from his heart, had not the necessity of his affairs impelled him thereto. At the same time coming up to Mr. Wilkes, he said he was glad of the opportunity to thank him for his very proper and lauadable behavior in the late riot; took notice of his looks, which indicated a want of health; advised him to a country air and exercise, which, said his majesty, I find by experience an excellent expedient to procure and preserve health; all this with the same apparent sincerity, as if they had been in a continued course of paying and receiving compliments, congratulations, and acknowledgments for mutual kindnesses and good offices, though all the world knows there was not a man in the three kingdoms more thoroughly hated, nor whom he had taken a more foolish and unnecessary pains to ruin. The above-mentioned interview being told of in company, Mr. Wilkes took occasion to remark in the following words: To have heard the king, one would have thought I was consulting a quack on the score of my health.

“Dec. 6. Read the king's speech, declaring his offer of independency to America, and his hopes soon of a general peace."― pp. 358, 359, 360.

Mr. Curwen while a resident in England kept up his good New England custom of going to church. Of the preachers he heard, he has here and there recorded his impressions; and as they were frequently persons of note, either in the established church or that of the dissenters, about whom we are always glad to learn what we can, we have drawn them together from the different parts of the volume.

"Sept. 17, 1775. Attended public worship at the 'Reformed Liturgy Assembly,' Essex House, Essex-street, Strand; heard Rev. Theophilus Lindsey, the Unitarian reformist, who gave up a living in Yorkshire, (worth three hundred a year,) on the rejection of the petition to parliament for a revisal and amendment of the common prayer. Preacher serious, style good, discourse useful." p. 39.

Dr.

"March 19, 1776. Attended lecture at Salters' Hall. Price gave an excellent sermon from 'Forgive us our debts as we forgive our debtors.' He observed, that this was the only original part of the Lord's prayer, (the rest being found in the Jewish liturgy,) and was designed to inculcate the distinguishing characteristic of his religion, universal love and good will to all mankind, making it the very condition on which our hopes of forgiveness are suspended. As forgiveness of injuries and love of all mankind are the most amiable of all virtues, so are they the most difficult to be practised, and ought therefore to be the

more endeavored after; and nothing can recommend us better to divine favor and acceptance.'

p. 49. "Sunday, Dec. 8. Mr. Towgood preached an excellent discourse, from Isaiah lvii. 15. In his prayer the most just and proper expression for the king and royal family, and all in authority, both as ministers of state and executive officers; and although a warm and hearty advocate for America, and her claims of exemption from British legislation, right of taxation, yet moderate and dutiful enough for me, who am far removed from wishing its entire independence; for it is my firm belief it would sooner bring on oppression and tyranny there than the former right allowed in its full extent. May it please God to prevent both; may the unreasonable and baneful wishes and attempts of all violent men be disappointed.

"Dec. 13. The state fast, appointed by the king's proclamation, on account of the American war; Bishop Keppel preached from Deut. xxxiii. 27, The eternal God is thy refuge,' etc., a seasonable and candid discourse; he calls this ' a civil war,' and the Americans our unhappy fellow-subjects:' attempted no justification of the measures of government. I was pleased with his candor and judgment."-p. 89.

"Sept. 7, 1777. At the college, the cathedral so called, Dr. Stonehouse preached; he was a practitioner of medicine, and has now turned his attention to spiritual maladies. His discourse serious and sensible, and his delivery with becoming energy, very unlike the insipid coldness prevalent among the preferment-seeking, amusement-hunting, macaroni parsons,' who, to the shame and dishonor of this age and nation, constitute the bulk of those of the established clergy that possess valuable livings.

"In the afternoon, walked to a street adjoining King's square to attend John Wesley's preachment; he being seated on a decent scaffold, addressed about two thousand people, consisting of the middle and lower ranks. The preacher's language was plain and intelligible, without descending to vulgarisms.

Sept. 14. In the afternoon I attended once more John Wesley, having the heavens for his canopy; he began with an extempore prayer, followed by a hymn of his own composing, and adapted to the subject of his discourse. He wears his own gray hair, or a wig so very like, that my eye could not distinguish. He is not a graceful speaker, his voice being weak and harsh; he is attended by great numbers of the middling and lower classes; is said to have humanized the almost savage colliers of Kingswood, who, before his time, were almost as fierce and unmanageable as the wild beasts of the wilderness.