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Additional Obfervations on the Nature and Value of Civil Liberty, and the War with America: Alfo Obfervations on Schemes for raifing Money by Public Loans; 'an Hiftorical Deduction and Analysis of the National Debt; and a brief Account of the Debts and Refources of France. By Richard Price, D. D. F. R. S. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Cadell.

It has been with anxiety and impatience that the friends to Liberty have long expected Dr. Price's reply, to the political' affailants, who fo violently attacked his celebrated Obfervations on that fubject. It will hence, we are perfuaded, be with proportional difappointment and difguft that they will perufe this poor and imperfect answer to fuch pertinent and pertinacious querifts. But let us not prejudice the reader; who need not be prepoffeffed in this cafe, to determine very easily for himfelf. We shall let Dr. Price, therefore, be his own master of the ceremonies on the prefent occafion; by quoting the principal part of his introduction.

"Before the reader enters on the following tract, I fhall beg leave to detain him while I give a general account of the contents of it, and make a few introductory obíervations.

"In the first part of the Obfervations on Civil Liberty, published laft winter, I gave a brief account of the nature of Liberty in general, and of Civil Liberty in particular. That account appears to me, after carefully reconfidering it, to be juft; nor do I think it in my power to improve it. In order, however, to be as explicit as poffible on this fubject, and to remove thofe mifapprehenfions of my fentiments into which fome have fallen, I have thought proper to add the fupplemental and explanatory obfervations, which will be found in the firit part of this pamphlet.—In writing with this view, I have been led to refer often to my former pamphlet, and to repeat fome of the obfervations in it. But as this could not have been avoided, it will, I hope, be excused.

"The remarks in the fecond part, I offer to the public with all the deference due to the high station and abilities of the noble Lord, whose fpeech at opening the Budget in April lait, has occafioned them.→→ These remarks, having been promifed long ago, fhould have been published fooner. The reafons which have produced this delay are of little confequence to the public; and, therefore, need not be mentioned.

In the firft fection of this fecond part, it will, I think, appear, that I went upon as good grounds as the nature of the cafe admitted, when I ftated the gold coin* of the kingdom at about twelve millions and a half. It appears now, indeed, to be fome millions more. But this is a difcovery made by the call of last fummer; which, I find, has brought in near double the fum that the best judges expected. Nothing, however, very encouraging can be inferred from hence. It only fhews that a great deal of gold has been hoarded; and will, pro* See Obfervations on Civil Liberty, p. 74.

bably,

bably, be again hoarded. This is the natural confequence of public diffidence; and it is a circumftance which may, hereafter, greatly increase diftrefs. Before the Revolution, according to Dr. Davenant, near half the coin was hoarded; and the fame, undoubtedly, will be done again, whenever the nation comes to be thoroughly alarmed.

"In the next fection of this part, I have made fome further obfervations on the conteft with America.-I cannot expect any other than a tragical and deplorable iffue to this conteft. But let events turn out as they will, I fhall always reflect with fatisfaction, that I have, though a private perfon of little confequence, bore my testimony, from deep-telt conviction, against a war which muft fhock the feelings and the reafon of every confiderate perfon; a war in which rivers of blood must be fhed, not to repel the attacks of enemies, or to maintain the authority of government within the realm, but to maintain fovereignty and dominion in another world *.—I wish the advocates for the meafures against America would attend to the diftinction now intimated.The fupport of juft government within the realm is always neceffary, and therefore right. But to maintain, by fire and fword, dominion over the perfons and the property of a people out of the realm, who have no fhare in its legiflature, contradicts every principle of liberty and humanity.-Legitimate government, let it be remembered, as oppofed to oppreffion and tyranny, confits "only in the dominion of equal laws made with common confent, or of men over themselves; "and not in the dominion of communities over communities, or of any men over other men."-This is the great truth I have endeavoured to explain and defend; and happy would the world be, were z due conviction of it impreffed on every human heart.

"The reprefentation I have given in this fection and elsewhere, of the ftate of this kingdom, is, without doubt, gloomy. But it is not the effect, as fome have intimated, of either a natural difpofition to gloominefs, or of finiter views. Few, who know me, will entertaini fuch a fufpicion. Valuing moft what politicians and flatefinen gene rally value leaft, I feel myself perfectly eafy with refpect to my intereft as a citizen of this world; nor is there any change of fituation that can make me happier, except a return to privacy and obfcurity. The opinion I have entertained of the prefent danger of the kingdom is, therefore, the effect of evidence which appears to me irresistible. This evidence I have stated to the public; and every one may judge of it as he pleafes. I am fenfible of my own liablencfs to error. The meafures which I condemn as the worst that ever difgraced and hazarded a great kingdom, others, whofe integrity I cannot question, approve; and that very fituation of our affairs which I think alarming, others think profperous. Time will determine which of thefe opinions is right. But fuppofing the latter to be fo, no harm can arife from any reprefentations which have a tendency to put us on our guard.

*Of all the writers against this war, the learned Dr. Tucker is the fevereft. For if, as he maintains, contrary to repeated declarations from the throne, a feparation from the Colonies would be an advantage to us, the attempt to keep them, by invafion and bloodshed, deferves a harfher cenfure than words can convey.

"I have

"I have bestowed particular attention on the obfervations in the third fection of this fecond part; and I think the subject of this section fo important, that it is probable, I fhould not have refolved on the prefent publication, had it not been for the opportunity it gives me to lay the obfervations it contains before the public. An intimation of them was given in the Introduction to the third edition of the Treatise on Reverfionary Payments. The nation being now once more got into a courfe of borrowing; and our firit ftep having been a return to a mode of borrowing, which had appeared to me abfurd and detrimental, I was induced to resume the fubject, and to examine it with more care. And the result of an examination of only a part of the public loans, will be found to be," that a capital of more than twenty mil lions has been a needlefs addition to the public debt, for which no money, or any fort of equivalent, has been received; and which might have been avoided, together with a great expence of interest, "by only forming differently the fchemes of the public loans."

"The intention of the first fection of the Third Part is to give, in as fhort a compafs as poffible, a view of the progrefs of our foreign trade, and its effect on the nation, from the beginning of this century; and, particularly, to point out an unfavourable change which feems to have taken place fince 1764.

"In the fecond fection of this part, an explanation and analyfis are given of all the different articles of the national debt, which will probably inform every person of most that he can wish to know concerning them. I have added a general account of the debts and refources of France. This is a fubject at prefent particularly interefting to this country; and, having been informed of fome important facts relating to it, I have thought proper to lay them before the public, with fuch reflexions as have offered themfelves in mentioning them.

"The last fection contains fuch of the calculations in the Appendix to the Obfervations on Civil Liberty as were necellary to be reprinted, in order to introduce the remarks I have added on some particulars in the ftate of the public income and expenditure, published not long ago by the Earl of Stair. I have alfo meant to accommodate the purchasers of the different editions of the Obfervations on Civil Liberty, who will be enabled, by this fection, to poffefs themselves of all the material alterations and improvements which were made in that pamphlet after its first publication.-The accounts, in the latter part of this tract, are fo various and extentive, that it is fcarcely poffible there should not be fome incorrectneffes in them. But the pains I have taken, and the means of information which I have poffeffed, have been fuch, that. I cannot fufpect that I have fallen into any mistakes of confequence. Should, however, any fuch have escaped me, it will be kind in any perfon to point them out with candour; and to affift in making thofe accounts fo correct and perfect, as that they may ferve for a bafis to all future accounts of the fame kind.-The whole concludes with an account of a refolution drawn up in a committee of the American Congrefs in 1775, difclaiming Independence, and offering an annual contribution to Britain for difcharging its debts."

Such is Dr. Price's own review of the contents of the present publication; on which he obferyes, "Through

"Throughout the whole of it, I have avoided entering into any controverfy with the crowd of writers who have published remarks on my former pamphlet. I am, however, unwilling to overlook them entirely; and therefore, fhall in this place, once for all, fettle my ac counts with them.

"In the first place. Thofe friends (all unknown to me) who have published vindications of me, whether in feparate pamphlets, or in any of the periodical publications, will, I hope, accept my gratitude; and believe, that, though I have been filent, I have not been inattentive to their arguments, or infenfible of their candour.

"Secondly. Those writers of oppofite fentiments, who have an fwered me without abufe or rancour, will alfo, I hope, accept my ac knowledgements,-In this number I rank the writers of the pieces enumerated below *.-These pieces contain, I believe, all of most im portance which has been urged against me in the way of argument; and I leave every one who has read them, or fhall read them, to decide for himself how far they have fucceeded; only defiring the justice may be done me, not to receive too easily any of the reprefentations made in them of my fentiments. I have had, in this refpect, some reason to complain of the fairest of my adversaries.

"Thirdly. I muft farther acknowledge myself indebted to thofe writers, who, under the name of Answers, have published virulent in vectives against me. It has been fome gratification to me to observe, the alarm these writers have taken, and the folly they have discovered, by fuffering themselves to forget, that abuse and fcurrility always defeat their own ends, and hurt the cause they are employed to ferve. I will not attempt to give any lift of them. They are without number. But there is one who, being the ableft, it is proper I should mention. I mean, the author of the three Letters to Dr. Price, published for Mr. Payne.-This writer is likewife the author of the Letters on the Prefent State of Poland; and of the Remarks on the Acts of the thire teenth Parliament of Great Britain; but he has been lately more known as a writer in the news-papers, under the fignature of Attilius; and alfo, as the fuppofed author of the Anfwer to the American Declaration of Independence. The following particulars will enable those, who may not yet know him fufficiently, to judge of his principles and temper.

Civil liberty, he infifts, is nothing pofitive. It is, an Abfence. The abfence of coercion; or of constraint and restraint.-Not from civil governors, (they are omnipotent, and there can be no liberty againit

Experience preferable to Theory, printed for Payne.-Remarks on a pamphlet lately published, in a Letter from a Gentleman in the Country to a Member of Parliament. Mr. Goodricke's Obfervations, &c. and Mr. Hey's; all printed for Mr. Cadell. Alfo Mr. Wesley's and Mr. Fletcher's Anfwers. -There may, perhaps, be fome other Anfwers of the fame kind; but they have not happened to fall into my hands.

Their power is, however, acknowledged to be a Truft; but not from the people. It must then be a truft from God; like the power of the proprietor of an eftate over his tenants and cattle-Charming doctrine this for Rufia and Turkey! And yet fuch is the doctrine, which this good Barrister, Mr. Wesley, Dr. Cooper, and others, are now propagating in this country. See Three Letters, page 66, &c. See likewife page 23 and 31, of the following tract.

them.

them.)-But from fuch little defpots and plunderers as common pickpockets, thieves, houfe-breakers, &c.

"Again. Having had occafion, in my Obfervations on Civil Liberty, page 42, to take fome notice of him, I ftudied to mention him with refpect. In return for this civility he has, in his three letters just mentioned, made me the object of an abufe, which would have been inexcufable had I offered him the groffeit affront.

"Further. Such is the rage into which he has been thrown, that, imagining my notions of liberty and government have been drawn from the writings of the philofophers of antient Greece and Rome, he la ments" that the Goths and Vandals, fparing their vafes and urns, " did not deftroy all their books of philofophy and politics *."-I am much mistaken if he does not with likewife, that all fuch writings were destroyed as thofe of Sidney, Locke, Montefquieu, Blackstone, &c.

"I have only to add, that I am truly afhamed of having, in this introduction, had occafion to fay fo much about myself. But, I hope, candid allowances will be made for it, when it is confidered how much, for fome time, has been faid and writ about me. I now leave an open field to all who fhall pleafe to take any farther notice of me. Wishing them the fame fatisfaction that I have felt in meaning to promote peace and juftice, and looking higher than this world of itrife and tumult I withdraw from politics.

In this manner it is that Dr. Price fettles his accounts with his numerous opponents; with what credit to himself we leave our readers to judge: fincerely wishing that the good doctor had always acted as becoming his character, in "looking higher than this world of ftrife and politics," and that he had never laid himself under the mortifying neceffity of confeffing, that he had reafon to be truly afhamed of fpeaking of himself on any occafion whatever.

S.

Sir Thomas Overbury: a Tragedy. Altered from the late Mr. Richard Savage. As now performing at the Theatre Royal in Covent Garden. 8vo. 18. 6. Newberry.

In the advertisement prefixed to this play, we are told the following ftory.

"Doctor Johnfon, in his Life of Richard Savage, gives a circumftantial account of the Tragedy of Sir Thomas Overbury; and tells us, that fome years after Mr. Savage had written one play upon the fubject (which, from its own inequality, and the imperfect and feeble State of its reprefentation, was rather unfuccefful) he refolved to write a fecond. The following fcenes are the produce of that refolution.

"The manufcript of the Author was fome time fince put into the hands of the Editor; who, on perufing it, difcovered a great many beauties, furrounded by almoft as many defects. The Tragedy was not finished; and, from the difpofition of the fcenes, and conduct of Three. Letters, P. 48.

VOL. V.

the