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1775. J. Clausen, Dogmatis de Descensu Jesu Christi ad Inferos historiam biblicam atque ecclesiasticam composuit, Havn. 1801. Pott in the Epp. cath. Exc. iii. [Comp. also Pearson on the Creed, V. art., and Heylyn on the Creed, VI. art.] J. L. König, die Lehre von Christi Höllenfahrt, nach der h. Schrift, der ältesten Kirche, den christlichen Symbolen und nach ihrer viel umfassenden Bedeutung, Frankf. 1842. E. Güder, Die Lehre von d. Erscheinung Christi unter den Todten, Berl. 1853. F. Huidekoper, The Belief of the first Three Centuries concerning Christ's Mission to the Under-World, Boston 1854. [Archd. Blackburn, Hist. Account of Views about the Intermed. State, 1770. The Revealed Economy of Heaven and Earth, Lond. 1853. V. U. Maywahlen, Tod, Todtenreich, etc., Berl. 1854; transl. by J. F. Schön, The Intermed. State, Lond. 1856. The Intermed. State, by the late Duke of Manchester, Lond. 1856. T. Körber, Die kath. Lehre d. Höllenfahrt Jes. Christi, Landshut 1860.]

We have seen that the Fathers of this period, with the exception of Origen, limited the direct efficacy of Christ's death to this world. But several writers of the second and third centuries thought that it was also retrospective in its effects, and inferred from some allusions in Scripture (1) that Christ descended into the abode of the dead (under-world, Hades), to announce to the souls of the patriarchs, etc., there abiding, the accomplishment of the work of redemption, and to conduct them with Him into the kingdom of His glory (2).

(1) Acts ii. 27, 31 (Rom. x. 6, 7, 8); Eph. iv. 9; 1 Pet. iii. 19, 20 (in connection with Ps. xvi. 10).-On the clause "descendit ad inferos" in the Apostles' Creed, which is of later origin, see Rufin. Expos. p. 22 (ed. Fell). King, p. 169 ff. Pott, 1.c. p. 380. G. H. Waage, De Etate Articuli, quo in Symb. Apost. traditur Jesu Christi ad Inferos Descensus, Havn. 1836. This clause is first found in the creed of the Church of Aquileia, and was brought into wider use through Rufinus. [Comp. Harvey on the Three Creeds; Pearson, lc. p. 237; Swainson, u. s.]

(2) Apocryphal narrative, in the Ev. Nic. c. 17-27. (Thilo, Cod. Ap. i. p. 667 ff.) Ullmann, Historisch oder mythisch? s. 220. An allusion is found in the Testament of the XII. Patriarchs (Grabe, Spic. PP. Sæc. i. p. 250). On the passage in the oration of Thaddeus, quoted by Eus. i. 13: Κατέβη εἰς τὸν ᾅδην καὶ διέσχισε φραγμὸν τὸν ἐξ αἰῶνος μὴ σχισθέντα, καὶ ἀνέστη καὶ συνήγειρε νεκροὺς τοὺς ἀπ ̓ αἰώνων κεκοιμημένους, καὶ πῶς κατέβη μόνος, ἀνέβη δὲ μετὰ πολλοῦ

ὄχλου πρὸς τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ, comp. Vales.The passage from the fuller recension of Ign. Ep. ad Trall. c. 9 (ii. p. 64), is doubtful; and that from the Shepherd of Hermas, Sim. ix. c. 16, refers properly to the apostles. Justin M. also supposes that Christ preached in the nether world (Dial. c. Tryph. § 72); though He was not compelled to this, on account of His views respecting the λόγος σπερματικός, in relation to the heathen ; comp. Semisch, ii. s. 414. More definite language is first used by Iren. iv. 27 (45), p. 264 (347), v. 31, p. 331 (451). Tert. De Anim. 7 and 55. Clem. Strom. vi. 6, p. 762-767, and ii. 9, p. 452 (where he quotes the passage from Hermas); the latter is inclined to extend the preaching of the gospel to the Gentiles in Hades. Orig. Contra Cels. ii. 43 (Opp. i. p. 419), in libr. Reg. Hom. ii. (Opp. ii. p. 492-498), especially towards the close. Comp. König, s. 97. Among the heretics we may mention the opinion of Marcion, that Christ did not deliver the patriarchs, but Cain, the people of Sodom, and all those who had been condemned by the demiurge. Iren. i. 27 (29), p. 106 (Gr. 104); Neander, Dg. s. 222.

[On the opinions of the Fathers, comp. also Pearson, l.c. p. 238, 245 ff., and Heylyn, l.c. p. 264 ff.] Other Gnostics wholly rejected the doctrine of the Descensus, and explained the passage in Peter of Christ's appearance on the earth.

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The Economy of Redemption.

H. L. Heubner, Historia antiquior Dogmatis de modo salutis tenendæ et justificationis, etc., Wittenb. 1805, 4to. † Wörter, Die christl. Lehre über das Verhältniss von Gnade u. Freiheit, etc., Freib. 1856. Landerer, das Verhältniss der Gnade und Freiheit in der Aneignung des Heils (Jahrb. deutsch. Theol. 1857, 2, s. 500 ff.). † P. J. Haber, Theologiæ Græcorum Patrum vindicatæ circa universam materiam gratiæ, libri iii., Würzburg 1863.

From what precedes, it is evident that the primitive Church universally believed that Jesus Christ was the only ground of salvation, and the Mediator between God and man. But all were required to appropriate to themselves, by a free act, the blessings which Christ obtained for them (1); and the for

giveness of sins was made dependent both on true repentance (2), and the performance of good works (3). Sometimes expressions are used which seem to favour the doctrine of the meritoriousness of good works (4). Nevertheless all agreed in making faith (in accordance with the apostolic doctrine) the conditio sine qua non of salvation (5), and in celebrating its blessed power in bringing about an intimate union (unio mystica) between man and God (6). Though the will of man was admitted to be free, yet it was also felt that it must be assisted by divine grace (7), and this, when carried out, led to the idea of an eternal decree of God (predestination), which, however, was not yet viewed as unconditional (8). Origen, in particular, endeavoured to explain the relation of predestination to the freedom of the human will so as not to endanger the latter (9).

(1) This follows from the passages above cited on human liberty. Justin M. Dial. c. Tryph. § 95: Ei peтavooûvtes éπì τοῖς ἡμαρτημένοις καὶ ἐπιγνόντες τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν Χριστὸν καὶ φυλάσσοντες αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐντολὰς ταῦτα φήσετε, ἄφεσις ὑμῖν τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ὅτι ἔσται, προείπον. Comp. Orig. Contra Cels. iii. 28, Opp. i. p. 465 (in connection with what is cited § 68, note 1), according to whom, every one who lives in compliance with the precepts of Christ obtains through Him friendship with God, and has living communion with Him. (2) The very circumstance that, in the belief of the primitive Church, sins committed after baptism are less easily pardoned (Clem. Strom. iv. 24, p. 634, Sylb. 536 C), and the entire ecclesiastical discipline of the first ages, prove this. -As regards μeтávoia, Clement knows the distinction afterwards made between contritio and attritio, Strom. iv. 6, p. 580: Τοῦ μετανοοῦντος δὲ τρόποι δύο· ὁ μὲν κοινότερος, φόβος ἐπὶ τοῖς πραχθεῖσιν, ὁ δὲ ἰδιαίτερος, ἡ δυσωπία ἡ πρὸς ἑαυτὴν τῆς ψυχῆς ἐκ συνειδήσεως.—On μετάνοια, comp. also Pæd. i. 9, p. 146, and Quis Div. Salv. 40, p. 957.

(3) Hermas, Pastor, iii. 7: Oportet eum, qui agit pœnitentiam, affligere animam suam, et humilem animo se præstare in omni negotio, et vexationes multas variasque perferre. Justin M. also lays great stress upon the external manifestation of

repentance by tears, etc., Dial. c. Tryph. § 141. Tertullian has left us a book (De pœnitentia) which contains the elements of the later ecclesiastical theory of penance. Already he attributes great value to confessio and satisfactio. Cap. 8: Confessio satisfactionis consilium est, dissimulatio contumacia. Cap. 9 Quatenus satisfactio confessione disponitur, confessione pœnitentia nascitur, pœnitentia Deus mitigatur. Itaque exomologesis prosternendi et humilificandi hominis disciplina est, conversationem injungens misericordiæ illicem, de ipso quoque habitu atque victu mandat, sæco et cineri incubare, corpus sordibus obscurare, animum mororibus dejicere pastum et potum pura nosse, jejuniis preces alere, ingemiscere, lacrymari et mugire dies noctesque ad Dominum Deum suum . . . Cap. 10: In quantum non peperceris tibi, in tantum tibi Deus, crede, parcet. Similarly Cyprian, De Opere et Eleem. p. 167 (Bal. 237); Loquitur in scripturis divinis Spir. S. et dicit (Prov. xv. 29): Eleemosynis et fide delicta purgantur; non utique illa delicta, quæ fuerunt ante contracta, nam illa Christi sanguine et sanctificatione purgantur. Item denuo dicit (Eccles. iii. 33): Sicut aqua extinguit ignem, sic eleemosyna extinguit peccatum. Hic quoque ostenditur et probatur, quia sicut lavacro aquæ salutaris gehennæ ignis extinguitur, ita eleemosynis atque operationibus justis delictorum flamma sopitur. Et quia semel in baptismo remissio peccatorum datur, assidua et jugis operatio baptismi instar imitata Dei rursus indulgentiam largitur (with a further appeal to Luke xi. 41). Tears are of much avail, Ep. 31, p. 64, Rettb. s. 323, 389. Origen, Hom. in Lev. ii. 4, Opp. ii. p. 190, 191, enumerates seven remissiones peccatorum: (1) that which is granted in baptism; (2) that which is obtained by martyrdom; (3) by alms (Luke xi. 41); (4) by the forgiveness which we grant to those who have trespassed against us (Matt. vi. 14); (5) by the conversion of others (Jas. v. 20); (6) by exceeding great love (Luke vii. 47; 1 Pet. iv. 8); (7) by penance and repentance: Est adhuc et septima, licet dura et laboriosa, per pœnitentiam remissio peccatorum, cum lavat peccator in lacrymis stratum suum, et fiunt ei lacrymæ suæ panes die ac nocte, et cum non erubescit sacerdoti Domini indicare peccatum suum et quærere medicinam. On the merit of the martyrs, comp. § 68. The intercession of con

fessors yet living is opposed by Tertull. De Pud. 22. Cyprian also limits their influence to the day of judgment, De Lapsis, p. 129 (187).-Concerning a first and second penance, see Herma Pastor, Mand. iv. 3; Clem. Strom. ii. 13, p. 459: Kal οὐκ οἶδ ̓ ὁπότερον αὐτοῖν χεῖρον ἢ τὸ εἰδότα ἁμαρτάνειν ἢ μετανοήσαντα ἐφ ̓ οἶς ἥμαρτεν πλημμελεῖν αὖθις. The different views of Tertullian before and after his conversion to Montanism may be seen by comparing De Pœnit. 7 with De Pud. 18. On the controversy between Cyprian and the Novatians, see the works on ecclesiastical history.

(4) Even in the Epistle of Polycarp the giving of alms is praised as a work that saves from death (appealing to Tob. xii. 9); and a tendency towards the doctrine of works of supererogation (opera supererogatoria) is found in the Shepherd of Hermas, Simil. Lib. iii. 5, 3: Si præter ea quæ non mandavit Dominus aliquod boni adjeceris, majorem dignitatem tibi conquires et honoratior apud Dominum eris, quam eras futurus. Origen speaks in a similar manner, Ep. ad Rom. Lib. iii. Opp. t. iv. p. 507 (he makes a subtle distinction between the unprofitable servant, Luke xvii. 10, and the good and faithful servant, Matt. xxv. 21, and appeals to 1 Cor. vii. 25 concerning the command to the virgins).

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(5) During this period, in which theoretical knowledge was made prominent, faith was for the most part considered as historico-dogmatic faith in its relation to yvwσis (comp. § 34). Hence the opinion that knowledge in divine things may contribute to justification, while ignorance condemns. Minucius Fel. 35: Imperitia Dei sufficit ad pœnam, notitia prodest ad veniam. Theophilus of Antioch also distinctly recognizes only a fides historica, upon which he makes salvation to depend, i. 14 : Απόδειξιν οὖν λαβὼν τῶν γινομένων καὶ προαναπεφωνημένων, οὐκ ἀπιστῶ, ἀλλὰ πιστεύω πειθαρχῶν θεῷ, ᾧ εἰ βούλει, καὶ σὺ ὑποτάγηθι, πιστεύων αὐτῷ, μὴ νῦν ἀπιστήσας, πεισθῇς ἀνιώμενος τότε ἐν αἰωνίοις τιμωρίαις. But though it was reserved for later times to investigate more profoundly the idea of justifying faith in the

1 As the Gnostics carried out the theory of salvation by knowledge to its full extent, and looked down with contempt alike on the faith and works of the Catholic Christians; so the Clementines depreciated faith for the benefit of works. See Baur, Dg. s. 657.

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