Pauline sense, yet correct views on this subject were not entirely wanting during this period, comp. Clem. Rom. Ep. i. ad Cor. 32 and 33: 'Hueîs ovv dià Deλýμatos AVTOû [SC. θεοῦ] ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ κληθέντες οὐ δι ̓ ἑαυτῶν δικαιούμεθα, ovdè dià tŷs ýμetépas oopías ǹ ovvéoews ǹ evoeßeías ǹ epywv, ὧν κατειργασάμεθα ἐν ὁσιότητι καρδίας· ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς πίστεως, δι' ἧς πάντας τοῦ ἀπ ̓ αἰῶνος ὁ παντοκράτωρ θεὸς ἐδικαίωσεν. Comp. 37-39. Irenæus, too (iv. 13, 2 sq.), distinguishes clearly between the righteousness of the law, and the new obedience which comes from faith; Neander, Dg. s. 228. Baur, Dg. s. 659. Grace, he says, is the dew of heaven which falls upon the withered field to fertilize it (Adv. Hær. iii. 17). Tertull. Adv. Marc. v. 3: Ex fidei libertate justificatur homo, non ex legis servitute, quia justus ex fide vivit.1 According to Clement of Alexandria, faith is not only the key of knowledge (Coh. p. 9), but by it we are also made the children of God, ib. p. 23 (comp. § 68, note 1), and p. 69. Clement accurately distinguishes between theoretical and practical unbelief, and understands by the latter the want of susceptibility to divine impressions, a carnal mind which would have everything in a tangible shape, Strom. ii. 4, p. 436. Origen in Num. Hom. xxvi. (Opp. iii. p. 369): Impossibile est salvari sine fide. Comm. in Ep. ad Rom. Opp. iv. p. 517: Etiamsi opera quis habeat ex lege, tamen, quia non sunt ædificata supra fundamentum fidei, quamvis videantur esse bona, tamen operatorem suum justificare non possunt, quod eis deest fides, quæ est signaculum eorum, qui justificantur a Deo.

(6) Clement, Coh. p. 90: 'Ω τῆς ἁγίας καὶ μακαρίας ταύτης δυνάμεως, δι' ἧς ἀνθρώποις συμπολιτεύεται θεός κ.τ.λ. Quis Div. salv. p. 951: Ὅσον γὰρ ἀγαπᾷ τις τὸν θεὸν, τοσούτῳ καὶ πλέον ἐνδοτέρω τοῦ θεοῦ παραδύεται. Ideal quietism, Pæd. i. 13, p. 160 : Τέλος δέ ἐστι θεοσεβείας ἡ ἀΐδιος ἀνάπαυσις Ev T 0e. Comp. iii. 7, p. 277, 278 (in reference to riches in God), Strom. ii. 16, p. 467, 468, iv. 22, p. 627, 630.

(7) Tert. Ad Uxor. i. 8: Quædam sunt divinæ liberalitatis, quædam nostræ operationis. Quæ a Domino indulgentur, sua gratia gubernantur; quæ ab homine captantur, studio perpetrantur. Cf. De Virg. Vel. 10; De Patient. 1, Adv.

1 It was natural, too, that Marcion should insist upon the Pauline view, in opposition to the Jewish dependence on works; see Neander, Dg. s. 229.

Hermog. 5.

Justin M. and Clement of Alexandria are favourable to synergism. Comp. Just. Apol. i. 10, Dial. c. Tryph. § 32. Clem. Alex. Coh. i. 99. Strom. v. 13, p. 696, vii. 7, p. 860: Ως δὲ ὁ ἰατρὸς ὑγείαν παρέχεται τοῖς συνεργοῦσι πρὸς ὑγείαν, οὕτως καὶ ὁ θεὸς τὴν ἀΐδιον σωτηρίαν τοῖς συνεργοῦσι πρὸς γνῶσίν τε καὶ εὐπραγίαν. Quis Div. salv. p. 947: Βουλομέναις μὲν γὰρ ὁ θεὸς ταῖς ψυχαῖς συνεπιπνεῖ. So, too, Orig. Hom. in Ps. (Opp. t. ii. p. 571): Τὸ τοῦ λογικοῦ ἀγαθὸν μικτόν ἐστιν ἔκ τε τῆς προαιρέσεως αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς συμπνεούσης θείας δυνάμεως τῷ тà κáλλσта πρoeλoμéve; comp. De Princip. iii. 1, p. 18 (Opp. i. p. 129), and 22, p. 137 (on Rom. ix. 16, and the apparent contradiction between 2 Tim. ii. 20, 21, and Rom. ix. 21). Cyprian, De Gratia Dei ad Donat. p. 3, 4: Ceterum si tu innocentiæ, si justitiæ viam teneas, si illapsa firmitate vestigii tui incedas, si in Deum viribus totis ac toto corde suspensus, hoc sis tantum quod esse cœpisti, tantum tibi ad licentiam datur, quantum gratiæ spiritalis augetur. Non enim, qui beneficiorum terrestrium mos est, in capessendo munere cœlesti mensura ulla vel modus est: profluens largiter spiritus nullis finibus premitur, nec coërcentibus claustris intra certa metarum spatia frænatur, manat jugiter, exuberat affluenter. Nostrum tantum sitiat pectus et pateat; quantum illuc fidei capacis afferimus, tantum gratiæ inundantis haurimus. De Orat. dom. p. 144 (208); Adv. Jud. iii. 25 ss., p. 72, 42 ss., p. 77 ss.

(8) Hermas represents the predestination of God as dependent on His foreknowledge, Lib. iii. Simil. 8, 6, likewise Justin M. Dial. c. Tryph. § 141. Iren. iv. 29, 2, p. 267. Minuc. Fel. c. 36. Tert. Adv. Marc. ii. 23. Clem. Al. Pæd. i. 6, p. 114: Qidev ovv (ô leòs) oûs kékλŋkev, oùs oéowkev. According to Strom. vi. 6, p. 763, it is men's own fault if they are not elected. They resemble those who voluntarily jump out of the vessel into the sea. "Thus the practical sense of Cyprian rebelled against the doctrine of rigid predestination, of irresistible grace; he could not so boldly face all the consequences which are found in the stupendous fabric of Augustine's system."—"That the Bishop of Hippo still thought that he discovered his own orthodoxy in the writings of Cyprian, may perhaps be ascribed to his joy at finding in him the premisses for his own conclusions," Rettberg, s. 321.

(9) Origen is far from believing in the doctrine of reprobation. De Princip. iii. 1 (Opp. i. p. 115; Redep. p. 20), he calls those heterodox who adduce the passage relative to the hardening of Pharaoh's heart, and other passages of the Old Testament of similar import in opposition to the avтekovσiov of the human soul. He explains God's dealings with Pharaoh from physical analogies: the rain falls upon different kinds of soil, and causes different plants to grow; the sun both melts wax and hardens clay. Even in common life it sometimes happens that a good master says to his lazy servant, spoiled by indulgence: I have spoiled you, not meaning that such was his intention. Origen (as Schleiermacher in later times) sees in what is called reprobatio, only a longer delay of the grace of God. As a physician often employs those remedies which at first apparently produce bad effects, but heal the disease (homœopathically ?) radically, instead of using such as effect a speedy cure, so God acts in His long-suffering; He prepares souls not only for the span of this short life, but for eternity, ibid. p. 121. (Redep. p. 26.) He adduces a similar illustration from the husbandman (after Matt. xiii. 8), and then goes on, p. 123 : "Απειροι γὰρ ἡμῖν, ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις, αἱ ψυχαὶ, καὶ ἄπειρα τὰ τούτων ἤθη καὶ πλεῖστα ὅσα τὰ κινήματα καὶ αἱ προθέσεις καὶ αἱ ἐπιβολαὶ καὶ αἱ ὁρμαὶ, ὧν εἷς μόνος οἰκονόμος ἄριστος, καὶ τοὺς καιροὺς ἐπιστάμενος, καὶ τὰ ἁρμόζοντα βοηθήματα καὶ τὰς ἀγωγὰς καὶ τὰς ὁδοὺς, ὁ τῶν ὅλων θεὸς καὶ πατήρ. See ibid. the interpretation of Ezek. xi. 19, and other passages. On the connection between Origen's doctrine of predestination and his doctrine of the preexistence of the soul, comp. De Princip. ii. 9, 7 (Opp. i. p. 99; Redep. p. 220), in reference to Jacob and Esau. Origen also held, like the other Fathers prior to the time of Augustine, that predestination was dependent on foreknowledge, Philoc. c. 25, on Rom. viii. 28, 29 (quoted by Münscher, Von Cölln, i. s. 369). "All the Fathers of this period agree that God so far predestines men to blessedness or condemnation as He foresees their free acts, by which they are made worthy of reward or punishment; but the foreseeing of these acts is not the cause of them, but the acts are the cause of the foreknowledge." Gieseler, Dg. s. 212. Cf. also Baur, Dg. s. 663.

FIFTH DIVISION.

THE CHURCH AND ITS MEANS OF GRACE.

§ 71.

The Church.

H. Th. C. Henke, Historia antiquior Dogmatis de Unitate Ecclesiæ, Helmst. 1781. +Möhler, die Einheit der Kirche, Tüb. 1825. *Rich. Rothe, die Entwicklung des Begriffs der Kirche in ihrem ersten Stadium. (The third book of his work: die Anfänge der christlichen Kirche und ihrer Verfassung, Wittenb. 1837, 1 vol.) Gess, die Einheit der Kirche im Sinne Cyprians (in Studien der evangelischen Geistlichkeit Würtembergs, Stuttgart 1831, ii. 1, p. 147). Huther, Cyprian, comp. § 26, note 9. Schenkel, see § 30. In reference to Rothe's work: A. Petersen, die Idee der christlichen Kirche, Leipz. 1839-44, 3 vols. Jul. Müller, Die unsichtbare Kirche (in the Deutsche Zeitschrift f. chr. Wiss. 1850, No. 2). J. Köstlin, Die katholische Auffassung von d. Kirche (ibid. 1855, Nos. 33 ff., 46 ff., 1856, No. 12). Münchmeier, von der sichtbaren und unsichtbaren Kirche, Götting. 1854. [F. C. Baur, Ueber den Episcopat. W. Palmer, Treatise on the Church. Th. Kliefoth, Acht Bücher von d. Kirche, 1854 sq. Hauber in Herzog's Realencyclop. Bd. vii. Ritschl, Die Begriffe sichtbare und unsichtbare Kirche, in Stud. u. Krit. 1859, reviewing Münchmeier. J. H. Friedlieb, Schrift, Tradition, etc., Breslau 1854. Thos. Greenwood, Cathedra Petri, 4 vols. Lond. 1856-60. Bishop Kaye, Government and Discipline of the Church in the First Three Centuries, Lond. 1855. F. C. Baur, Das Christenthum d. drei ersten Jahrh. 1853, s. 239 fï.]

A holy Catholic Christian Church, which is the communion of saints, was the expression used in the Christian confession of faith to denote the feeling of Christian fellowship which prevailed in the primitive Church, though no exact definitions concerning the nature of the Church are found before the time of Cyprian (1). Among the many images under which the Church was represented, none was so frequently employed as that of a mother, or of Noah's ark. The Fathers uniformly

asserted, both in opposition to heretics and to all who were not Christians, that there is no salvation out of the Church,1 but that all the fulness of divine grace is to be found in it (2). Clement of Alexandria, too, and Cyprian, yet more emphatically and in a realistic sense, gave prominence to the unity of the Church (3). The definitions of the latter make an epoch in the history of this doctrine. But he did not sufficiently distinguish between the historico-empirical, visible existence of the Church (its corporeal embodiment), and the idea of a Church which is above the change of mere forms, and which is ever struggling for a complete expression of its essence. This is shown in the Novatian controversy. Thus it happened that the apostolic Christian doctrine of a universal priesthood was more and more superseded by the hierarchial aspirations of the bishops, and the internal was converted into the external (4). The false idealism of the Gnostics, and the subjective, heretical, and schismatical tendencies of separate sects, especially of the Montanists and the Novatianist Puritans, form a striking contrast with this false external unity of the Catholic Church (5).

(1) "The general character of the earlier period (previous to the time of Cyprian) is that of abstract indefiniteness. What the theologians of this period say concerning the nature of the Church is so frequently void of clearness and precision, that it is almost impossible fully to ascertain their real sentiments on this point; it is not uncommon to see the same Fathers evading, or even rejecting, consequences which necessarily follow from their general reasonings. They thus evince a fickleness (?) which prevents us from forming any decided and certain opinion as to their ideas of the nature of the Church," Rothe, 1.c. s. 575.

(2) On the term éxxλnoía in general (corresponding to the Hebrew in p, ny, p), Matt. xvi. 18, xviii. 17; 1 Cor. x. 32; Eph. i. 22; Col. i. 18, 24; comp. Suicer, Thes. sub voce; Rothe, s. 74 ff.; and the anonymous work, Zukunft d. evang. Kirche (Leipz. 1849), s. 42: "The solemn and em

This strongly defined Church feeling is very marked in the writings of Irenæus.