sun, paused not in its career of glory until it found a genial resting place amid the sublime forests and mighty prairies of the new world.

It must not, however, be forgotten, that, for a long time, the general tendency of events throughout the world had favored this consummation. The feudal barons of Europe, who had inherited with the soil the reins of government, and who exacted from their vassals the most servile obedience, had, at an early day, adopted the Christian faith, and as the clergy opened its ranks to all classes, when the church arose into power, a way was prepared by which the degraded serf could take his seat among the proudest of the nobles-the wars of the Crusades divided the possessions of the aristocracy, and caused the lower orders to feel their strength-the invention of fire-arms destroyed the supremacy of the privileged orders on the field of battle-the art of printing cheapened the researches of wisdom, and carried the same information to the door of the cottage and the palace-the growing taste for literature opened chances of success to learning and talent-the enactment of civil laws made room for judges and advocates, and the wealth acquired by commerce gave importance to skill and enterprise.

Thus it was that the serfs and menials of the feudal ages grew gradually into importance until in most European kingdoms they have acquired a representation in the deliberative bodies, limited, it is true, but still beyond all price. "The value attached to the privileges of birth," says M. de Tocqueville, in his introduction, "decreased in the exact proportion in which new paths were struck out to advancement. In the eleventh century nobility was beyond all price; in the thirteenth it might be purchased; it was conferred, for the first time, in 1270: and equality was thus introduced into the government by the aristocracy itself."

But notwithstanding these general tendencies in favor of the emancipation of man-notwithstanding all that had been gained by the people in their oft-repeated struggles, the democratic principle was not permitted fully to prevail in the old world; nay, we may safely affirm, that there it is neither appreciated nor understood: and although its progress is evidently onward, and it is destined ere long to undermine the tottering thrones of those sovereigns who hold their power by divine right, and to level still further the artificial distinctions of European society; yet is its course as silent as

the smooth waters of some mighty river whose restless current sweeps from before it all the feeble impediments of man.

But this principle, which has thus been struggling for a feeble existence in feudal Europe, is indigenous to America. It dwells in the fastnesses of her hills-it riots unrestrained in her deep and gloomy forests-its altar is found wherever the free air braces the nerves of her hardy sons. The little company of forty-one pilgrims, who formed themselves into a republic on board the Mayflower, in Plymouth harbor, more than two hundred years ago, adopted, as the basis of their compact, the sovereignty of the people, and from that time to the present, neither the ties of consanguinity, nor the reverence entertained by the children for their father-land, nor the presence of hostile armies sent to awe them into submission, has had power to swerve the inhabitants of the new world from their deep devotion to democratic freedom.

"In the bosoms of this people there was burning, kindled at different furnaces, but all furnaces of affliction, one clear, steady flame of liberty." The democratic principle was here suffered to separate itself from all those influences which had repressed its growth in the old world. It struck deep into the soil, it was mingled with the atmosphere which the emigrants inhaled, and its consequences are written on the whole outline of American society. They are to be seen in the perfect freedom of our institu tions in the equality recognized by our laws-in the energy and enterprise of our citizens-in the high tone of our morals, and the general education and intelligence of our people.

It is not, then, we repeat, a matter of surprise that America, directed by influences so totally different from those which still cling to the ancient aristocracies of Europe, should continue to be an interesting study to the political philosopher, and that a book which discloses some of the hidden springs of our success—which, in the spirit of candor and fairness, seeks to investigate all the great bearings of that wonderful principle which lies at the foundation of our institutions, and which thus leaves its impress on every thing American, should have awakened the curiosity of Europe, and produced a sensation throughout the civilized world.

The first part of Democracy in America has been a long time before the public. The author, M. de Tocqueville, was one of two commissioners (the other being M. de Beaumont) sent to

America some years ago, by the French government, to examine our prisons and penitentiaries. On their return to France they made such a report as produced an entire change in the prison discipline of France. Each of them, soon after, brought out a book on America, and that of M. de Tocqueville has, within a few months, been succeeded by a second. The value of these books may be estimated from the rank which they have already acquired in the literature of the age. It is said that M. Thiers, while prime minister of France, and after the publication of the first volume of "Democracy in America," expressed himself publicly in his place in the chamber of deputies as happy to have lived in the same age that produced this book. Sir Robert Peel, and other English authorities, have expressed equal admiration of M. de Tocqueville's labors; and Mr. Spencer, the secretary of state for New-York, in announcing the second part, tells us, in his preface, that " in Europe it has taken its stand with Montesquieu, Bacon, Milton, and Locke." This is high praise-much too high, certainly—but it will serve to show the interest which M. de Tocqueville's labors have excited.

What adds particularly to the value of these books is the fact that they have not been written for America, but for Europe. In his preface to the first book, M. de Tocqueville, says,

"It was not, then, merely to satisfy a legitimate curiosity that I have examined America. My wish has been to find instruction by which we might ourselves profit." And again :-“I sought the image of democracy itself, with its inclinations, its character, its prejudices, and its passions, in order to learn what we have to hope and fear from its progress." And having adverted to some of the causes which have been at work in Europe, and to which we have already alluded, showing that the democratic principle is developing itself more and more, and that a silent revolution is going forward in the old world, he says:

'The Christian nations of our age seem to me to present a most alarming spectacle; the impulse which is bearing them along is so strong that it cannot be stopped, but it is not yet so rapid that it cannot be guided; their fate is in their hands; yet, a little while, and it may be so no longer." He then proceeds to point out the duty which this fact seems to enjoin :-"The duty," he continues, "which is at this time imposed upon those who direct our affairs,

is to educate the democracy; to warm its faith, if that be possible; to purify its morals; to direct its energies; to substitute a knowledge of business for its inexperience, and an acquaintance with its true interests for its blind propensities; to adapt its government to time and place, and to modify it in compliance with the occurrences and the actors of the age."

In his second book he seems equally anxious that the nations of Europe should profit by the secret revolution which is everywhere going on in favor of democratic equality. At the close of the volume he sums up the advantages and disadvantages which must attend such a revolution, and ends with these words:-"The nations of our time cannot prevent the conditions of men from becoming equal but it depends upon themselves whether the principle of equality is to lead them to servitude or freedom, to knowledge or barbarism, to prosperity or wretchedness." It is clear from these passages, as well as from the whole tenor of the work, that the author's chief object was to produce an impression in his own country and in western Europe generally.

"Democracy in America" is written in a most attractive style, rather diffuse and florid, perhaps too much so for the definiteness which the subject required. A little more precision, method, and accuracy, would have added value to these volumes, though they would scarcely have increased their interest. But apart from the mere choice of language and form of expression, the author has, throughout, maintained a seriousness, dignity, and good faith which is above all commendation, and which contrasts so admirably with the flippancy and vulgarity which are so common in foreign books on America, as at once to insure the confidence of the reader. He has certainly fallen into errors, some of which are important, but his volumes, nevertheless, contain no faults which are not entirely consistent with the most upright intentions, while they evince great reach of thought, strong powers of observation, and a freedom from prejudice which, more than any thing else, commands our admiration.

The first part of his work has, in America, passed through four editions. It has, of course, been extensively read and commented on. Nearly half of it is devoted to an account of the political institutions of this country, federal, state, and municipal, which is given with great accuracy and fidelity, and is probably the best condensed

description of the machinery of our government before the public. The remainder is more speculative, and consists of a series of essays, not particularly dependent on each other, in which he investigates the tendency of various influences at work in our system of government, and traces their effects. In this part he treats of the sovereignty of the people—the character of parties—the liberty of the press-the government of the democracy-the advantages resulting from the government of the democracy-the omnipotence of majorities-the causes which tend to maintain a democratic government-and the probable future condition of the three races by which our country is peopled.

We have recounted some of the most important subjects discussed, that the reader who has not found leisure to peruse the volume may understand something of the grave matters which the author undertakes to handle. It contains several errors, which, in this country, are generally regarded as important, and which have been pretty fully noticed by the public press. These have probably resulted from the limited observation which a year's residence afforded, and although they are to be regretted, yet they by no means destroy the interest of the volume. As it has been a long time before the public, it is not our purpose to bring its contents under revision. .

The second part of "Democracy in America" has but lately issued from the press in this country, and is a continuation of the subject. The first part was occupied in tracing the influence of democracy on our political institutions: the second part traces the same cause in its operation on our social relations. It is divided into four books, possessing all the ease and elegance, the ingenuity and vivacity, of the former volume: and those who followed the author with pleasure through the labyrinth of his speculations on our political condition, will be equally delighted with his views of the tastes, feelings, habits, and manners of American society.

His first division treats of the influence of democracy on public opinion, thought, religious belief, the cultivation of the arts, literature, and language. The second is devoted to the influence of democracy on our feelings; its tendency to produce association, to foster a disposition for thrift, to make us dissatisfied, restless, and enterprising. In the third he examines the influence of democracy on our manners; explains how it renders our intercourse simple