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Dion also records as having suffered the same accident as is alluded to by the orator.” The question agitated by the antiquaries is, whether the wolf now in the Conservators’ Palace is that of Livy and Dionysius, or that of Cicero, or whether it is neither one nor the other. The earlier writers differ as much as the moderns: Lucius Faunus + says, that it is the one alluded to by both, which is impossible, and also by Virgil, which may be. Fulvius Ursinus f calls it the wolf of Dionysius, and Marlianus talks of it as the one mentioned by Cicero. To him Rycquius tremblingly assents. || Nardini is inclined to suppose it may be one of the many wolves preserved in ancient Rome; but of the two rather bends to the Ciceronian statue."

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f “In eadem porticu aenea lupa, cujus uberibus Romulus ac Remus lactantes inhiant, conspicitur: de hac Cicero et Virgilius semper intellexere. Livius hoc signum ab AEdilibus expecuniis quibus mulctati essent foeneratores, positum innuit. Antea in Comitiis ad Ficum Ruminalem, quo loco pueri fuerant expositi locatum pro certo est.” Luc. Fauni de Antiq. Urb. Rom. lib. ii. cap. vii. ap. Sallengre, tom. i. p. 217. In his xviith chapter he repeats that the statues were there, but not that they were found there.

f Ap. Nardini, Roma Vetus, lib. v. cap. iv.

§ Marliani Urb. Rom. Topograph. lib. ii. cap. ix. He mentions another wolf and twins in the Vatican, lib. v. cap. xxi.

|| “Non desunt qui hanc ipsam esse putent, quam adpinximus, quae é comitio in Basilicam Lateranam, cum nonnullis aliis antiquitatum reliquiis, atque hinc in Capitolium postea relata sit, quamvis Marlianus antiquam Capitolinam esse maluit a Tullio descriptam, cui ut in re nimis dubia, trepidè adsentimur.” Just. Rycquii de Capit. Roman. Comm. cap. xxiv. pag. 250. edit. Lugd. Bat. 1696.

T Nardini, Roma Vetus, lib. v. cap. iv.

Montfaucon * mentions it as a point without doubt." Of the latter writers
the decisive Winkelmann # proclaims it as having been found at the church
of Saint Theodore, where, or near where, was the temple of Romulus, and
consequently makes it the wolf of Dionysius. His authority is Lucius
Faunus, who, however, only says that it was placed, not found, at the Ficus
Ruminalis, by the Comitium, by which he does not seem to allude to the
church of Saint Theodore. Rycquius was the first to make the mistake,
and Winkelmann followed Rycquius.
Flaminius Vacca tells quite a different story, and says he had heard the
wolf with the twins was found f near the arch of Septimius Severus. The
commentator on Winkelmann is of the same opinion with that learned
person, and is incensed at Nardini for not having remarked that Cicero, in
speaking of the wolf struck with lightning in the Capitol, makes use of the
past tense. But, with the Abate's leave, Nardini does not positively assert
the statue to be that mentioned by Cicero, and, if he had, the assumption
would not perhaps have been so exceedingly indiscreet. The Abate him-
self is obliged to own that there are marks very like the scathing of light-
ning in the hinder legs of the present wolf; and, to get rid of this, adds,
that the wolf seen by Dionysius might have been also struck by lightning,
or otherwise injured.
Let us examine the subject by a reference to the words of Cicero. The
orator in two places seems to particularise the Romulus and the Remus,
especially the first, which his audience remembered to have been in the
Capitol, as being struck with lightning. In his verses he records that the
twins and wolf both fell, and that the latter left behind the marks of her
feet. Cicero does not say that the wolf was consumed : and Dion only
mentions that it fell down, without alluding, as the Abate has made him,
to the force of the blow, or the firmness with which it had been fixed. The
whole strength, therefore, of the Abate's argument hangs upon the past
tense; which, however, may be somewhat diminished by remarking that
the phrase only shows that the statue was not then standing in its former
position. Winkelmann has observed, that the present twins are modern;
and it is equally clear that there are marks of gilding on the wolf, which
might therefore be supposed to make part of the ancient group. It is
known that the sacred images of the Capitol were not destroyed when in-
jured by time or accident, but were put into certain under-ground depo-
sitaries, called favissae Ş. It may be thought possible that the wolf had

* “Lupa hodieque in capitolinis prostat aedibus, cum vestigio fulminis quo ictam narrat Cicero.” Diarium Italic. tom. i. p. 174.

+ Storia delle Arti, &c. lib. iii, cap. iii. § ii. note 10. Winkelmann has made a strange blunder in the note, by saying the Ciceronian wolf was not in the Capitol, and that Dion was wrong in saying so.

f “Intesi dire, che l’Ercolo di bronzo, che oggi si trova nella sala di Campidoglio, fu trovato nelforo Romano appresso I’arco di Settimio: evi fu trovata anche la lupa di bronzo che allata Romolo e Remo, esta nella Loggia de Conservatori.” Flam. Vacca, Memorie, num. iii pag.i.ap. Montfaucon, Diar. Ital, tom. i.

§ Luc. Faun. ibid.

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been so deposited, and had been replaced in some conspicuous situation when the Capitol was rebuilt by Vespasian. Rycquius, without mentioning his authority, tells that it was transferred from the Comitium to the Lateran, and thence brought to the Capitol. If it was found near the arch of Severus, it may have been one of the images which Orosius * says was thrown down in the Forum by lightning when Alaric took the city. That it is of very high antiquity the workmanship is a decisive proof; and that circumstance induced Winkelmann to believe it the wolf of Dionysius. The Capitoline wolf, however, may have been of the same early date as that at the temple of Romulus. Lactantius + asserts that in his time the Romans worshipped a wolf; and it is known that the Lupercalia held out to a very late period f after every other observance of the ancient superstition had totally expired. This may account for the preservation of the ancient image longer than the other early symbols of Paganism. It may be permitted, however, to remark, that the wolf was a Roman symbol, but that the worship of that symbol is an inference drawn by the zeal of Lactantius. The early Christian writers are not to be trusted in the charges which they make against the Pagans. Eusebius accused the Romans to their faces of worshipping Simon Magus, and raising a statue to him in the island of the Tyber. The Romans had probably never heard of such a person before, who came, however, to play a considerable, though scandalous part in the church history, and has left several tokens of his aerial combat with St. Peter at Rome; notwithstanding that an inscription found in this very island of the Tyber showed the Simon Magus of Eusebius to be a certain indigenal god called Semo Sangus or Fidius Ş. Even when the worship of the founder of Rome had been abandoned, it was thought expedient to humour the habits of the good matrons of the city, by sending them with their sick infants to the church of Saint Theo

* See note to stanza LXXX. in “Historical Illustrations.”

f “Romuli nutrix Lupa honoribus est affecta divinis, et ferrem, si animal ipsum fuisset, cujus figuram gerit.” Lactant. de Falsa Religione, lib. i. cap. xx. pag. 101. edit. varior. 1660.; that is to say, he would rather adore a wolf than a prostitute. His commentator has observed that the opinion of Livy concerning Laurentia being figured in this wolf was not universal. Strabo thought so. Rycquius is wrong in saying that Lactantius mentions the wolf was in the Capitol.

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dore, as they had before carried them to the temple of Romulus.* The
practice is continued to this day; and the site of the above church seems
to be thereby identified with that of the temple; so that if the wolf had
been really found there, as Winkelmann says, there would be no doubt of
the present statue being that seen by Dionysius +. But Faunus, in saying
that it was at the Ficus Ruminalis by the Comitium, is only talking of its
ancient position as recorded by Pliny; and even if he had been remarking
where it was found, would not have alluded to the church of Saint Theo-
dore, but to a very different place, near which it was then thought the
Ficus Ruminalis had been, and also the Comitium; that is, the three
columns by the church of Santa Maria Liberatrice, at the corner of the
Palatine looking on the Forum.
It is, in fact, a mere conjecture where the image was actually dug up f ;
and perhaps, on the whole, the marks of the gilding, and of the lightning,
are a better argument in favour of its being the Ciceronian wolf than any
that can be adduced for the contrary opinion. At any rate, it is reasonably
selected in the text of the poem as one of the most interesting relics of the
ancient city \, and is certainly the figure, if not the very animal to which
Virgil alludes in his beautiful verses: —

“ Geminos huic ubera circum
Ludere pendentes pueros, et lambere matrem
Impavidos: illam tereti cervice reflexam
Mulcere alternos, et corpora fingere linguá.”||

* “In esse gli antichi pontefici per toglier la memoria de' giuochi Lupercali istituiti in onore di Romolo, introdussero l'uso di portarvi bambini oppressi da infermitā occulte, accio si liberino per l’intercessione di questo santo, come di continuo si sperimenta.” Rione xii. Ripa, accurata e succincta Descrizione, &c. di Roma Moderna, dell’ Ab. Ridolf Venuti, 1766. + Nardini, lib. v. cap. 11. convicts Pomponius Laetus crasst erroris, in putting the Ruminal fig-tree at the church of Saint Theodore: but as Livy says the wolf was at the Ficus Ruminalis, and Dionysius at the temple of Romulus, he is obliged (cap. iv.) to own that the two were close together as well as the Lupercal cave, shaded, as it were, by the fig-tree. f “Ad comitium ficus olim Ruminalis germinabat, sub qua lupae ru, mam, hoc est, mammam, docente Varrone, suxerant olim Romulus et Remus; non procul a templo hodie D. Mariae Liberatricis appellato, ubi jorsan inventa nobilis illa aenea statua lupae geminos puerulos lactantis, quam hodie in Capitolio videmus.” Olai Borrichii Antiqua Urbis Romamae Facies, cap. x. See also cap. xii. Borrichius wrote after Nardini, in 1687. Ap. Graev. Antiq. Rom. tom. iv. p. 1522. z § Donatus, lib. xi. cap. 18. gives a medal representing on one side the wolf in the same position as that in the Capitol; and in the reverse the wolf with the head not reverted. It is of the time of Antoninus Pius. || AEn. viii. 631. See Dr. Middleton, in his Letter from Rome, who inclines to the Ciceronian wolf, but without examining the subject.

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julius CESAR. -

“For the Roman's mind
Was modell'd in a less terrestrial mould.”
Stanza xc. lines 3 and 4.

It is possible to be a very great man and to be still very inferior to Julius Caesar, the most complete character, so Lord Bacon thought, of all antiquity. Nature seems incapable of such extraordinary combinations as composed his versatile capacity, which was the wonder even of the Romans themselves. The first general—the only triumphant politician-inferior to none in eloquence—comparable to any in the attainments of wisdom, in an age made up of the greatest commanders, statesmen, orators, and philosophers that ever appeared in the world—an author who composed a perfect specimen of military annals in his travelling carriage-at one time in a controversy with Cato, at another writing a treatise on punning, and collecting a set of good sayings — fighting * and making love at the same moment, and willing to abandon both his empire and his mistress for a sight of the Fountains of the Nile. Such did Julius Caesar appear to his contemporaries and to those of the subsequent ages who were the most inclined to deplore and execrate his fatal genius.

But we must not be so much dazzled with his surpassing glory, or with his magnanimous, his amiable qualities, as to forget the decision of his impartial countrymen: –


* In his tenth book, Lucan shows him sprinkled with the blood of Pharsalia in the arms of Cleopatra. “Sanguine Thessalicae cladis perfusus adulter Admisit Venerem curis, et miscuit armis.”

After feasting with his mistress, he sits up all night to converse with the Egyptian sages, and tells Achoreus,

“Spes sit mihi certa videndi
Niliacos fontes, bellum civile relinquam.”

“Sic velut in tuta securi pace trahebant
Noctis iter medium.”

Immediately afterwards, he is fighting again, and defending every position. “Sedadest defensor ubique Caesaret hos aditus gladiis, hos ignibus arcet . . . . . . . . caeca nocte carinis Insiluit Caesar semper feliciter usus Praecipiti cursu bellorum et tempore rapto.” # “Jure caesus existimetur,” says Suetonius, after a fair estimation of his character, and making use of a phrase which was a formula in Livy's time. “Melium jure caesum pronuntiavit, etiam si regni crimine insons

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