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revived. The story is told by Theodoret” and Cassiodorus +, and seems worthy of credit notwithstanding its place in the Roman martyrology.f Besides the torrents of blood which flowed at the funerals, in the amphitheatres, the circus, the forums, and other public places, gladiators were introduced at feasts, and tore each other to pieces amidst the supper tables, to the great delight and applause of the guests. Yet Lipsius permits himself to suppose the loss of courage, and the evident degeneracy of mankind, to be nearly connected with the abolition of these bloody spectacles. §

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Here, where the Roman million's blame or praise
Was death or life, the playthings of a crowd.
Stanza czlii, lines 5, and 6.

When one gladiator wounded another, he shouted, “he has it,” “hoc habet,” or “habet.” The wounded combatant dropped his weapon, and advancing to the edge of the arena, supplicated the spectators. If he had fought well, the people saved him; if otherwise, or as they happened to be inclined, they turned down their thumbs, and he was slain. They were occasionally so savage that they were impatient if a combat lasted longer than ordinary without wounds or death. The emperor's presence generally saved the vanquished; and it is recorded as an instance of Caracalla's ferocity, that he sent those who supplicated him for life, in a spectacle, at Nicomedia, to ask the people; in other words, handed them over to be slain. A similar ceremony is observed at the Spanish bull-fights. The magistrate presides; and after the horsemen and piccadores have fought the bull, the matadore steps forward and bows to him for permission to kill the animal. If the bull has done his duty by killing two or three horses, or a man, which last is rare, the people interfere with shouts, the ladies wave their hand

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f Baronius, ad ann. et in notis ad Martyrol. Rom. I. Jan. See— Marangoni delle memorie sacre e profane dell’Anfiteatro Flavio, p. 25. edit. 1746.

§ “Quod 2 non tu Lipsi momentum aliquod habuisse censes ad virtutem 2 Magnum. Tempora nostra, mosque ipsos videamus. Oppidum ecce unum alterumve captum, direptum est; tumultus circa nos, non in nobis; et tamen concidimus et turbamur. Ubi robur, ubi tot per annos meditata sapientiae studia 2 ubi ille animus qui possit dicere, si fractus illabatur orbis P” &c. ibid. lib. ii, cap. xxv. The prototype of Mr. Windham's panegyric on bull-baiting.

kerchiefs, and the animal is saved. The wounds and death of the horses are accompanied with the loudest acclamations, and many gestures of delight, especially from the female portion of the audience, including those of the gentlest blood. Everything depends on habit. The author of Childe Harold, the writer of this note, and one or two other Englishmen, who have certainly in other days borne the sight of a pitched battle, were, during the summer of 1809, in the governor's box at the great amphitheatre of Santa Maria, opposite to Cadiz. The death of one or two horses completely satisfied their curiosity. A gentleman present, observing them shudder and look pale, noticed that unusual reception of so delightful a sport to some young ladies, who stared and smiled, and continued their applauses as another horse fell bleeding to the ground. One bull killed three horses qff his own horns. He was saved by acclamations, which were redoubled when it was known he belonged to a priest. An Englishman who can be much pleased with seeing two men beat themselves to pieces, cannot bear to look at a horse galloping round an arena with his bowels trailing on the ground, and turns from the spectacle and the spectators with horror and disgust.

XXXI.
THE ALBAN HILL,

“And afar
The Tiber winds, and the broad ocean laves

The Latian coast,” &c. &c.
- Stanza clxxiv. lines 2, 3, and 4.

The whole declivity of the Alban hill is of unrivalled beauty, and from the convent on the highest point, which has succeeded to the temple of the Latian Jupiter, the prospect embraces all the objects alluded to in the cited stanza; the Mediterranean; the whole scene of the latter half of the AEneid, and the coast from beyond the mouth of the Tiber to the headland of Circaeum and the Cape of Terracina. The site of Cicero's villa may be supposed either at the Grotta Ferrata, or at the Tusculum of Prince Lucien Buonaparte. The former was thought some years ago the actual site, as may be seen from Middleton's Life of Cicero. At present it has lost something of its credit, except for the Domenichinos. Nine monks of the Greek order live there, and the adjoining villa is a cardinal's summer-house. The other villa, called Rufinella, is on the summit of the hill above Frascati, and many rich remains of Tusculum have been found there, besides seventytwo statues of different merit and preservation, and seven busts. From the same eminence are seen the Sabine hills, embosomed in which lies the long valley of Rustica. There are several circumstances which tend to establish the identity of this valley with the “Ustica” of Horace;

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and it seems possible that the mosaic pavement which the peasants uncover
by throwing up the earth of a vineyard may belong to his villa. Rustica is
pronounced short, not according to our stress upon- “ Ustica: cubantis.”
– It is more rational to think that we are wrong, than that the inhabitants
of this secluded valley have changed their tone in this word. The addition
of the consonant prefixed is nothing: yet it is necessary to be aware that
Rustica may be a modern name which the peasants may have caught from
the antiquaries.
The villa, or the mosaic, is in a vineyard on a knoll covered with chestnut
trees. A stream runs down the valley; and although it is not true, as said
in the guide books, that this stream is called Licenza, yet there is a village
on a rock at the head of the valley which is so denominated, and which may
have taken its name from the Digentia. Licenza contains 700 inhabitants.
On a peak a little way beyond is Civitella, containing 300. On the banks
of the Anio, a little before you turn up into Valle Rustica, to the left, about
an hour from the villa, is a town called Vicovaro, another favourable coin-
cidence with the Varia of the poet. At the end of the valley, towards the
Anio, there is a bare hill, crowned with a little town called Bardela. At the
foot of this hill the rivulet of Licenza flows, and is almost absorbed in a
wide sandy bed before it reaches the Anio. Nothing can be more fortunate
for the lines of the poet, whether in a metaphorical or direct sense:-

“Me quotiens reficit gelidus Digentia rivus, -
Quem Mandela bibit rugosus frigore pagus.”

The stream is clear high up the valley, but before it reaches the hill of
Bardela looks green and yellow like a sulphur rivulet.
Rocca Giovane, a ruined village in the hills, half an hour's walk from the
vineyard where the pavement is shown, does seem to be the site of the fane
of Vacuna, and an inscription found there tells that this temple of the
Sabine Victory was repaired by Vespasian.” With these helps, and a po-
sition corresponding exactly to every thing which the poet has told us of
his retreat, we may feel tolerably secure of our site.
The hill which should be Lucretilis is called Campanile, and by following
up the rivulet to the pretended Bandusia, you come to the roots of the
higher mountain Gennaro. Singularly enough, the only spot of ploughed
land in the whole valley is on the knoll where this Bandusia rises.

“. . . . tu frigus amabile
Fessis vomere tauris
Praebes, et pecori vago."

* IMP. CAESAR WESPASIANVS PONTIFEx MAXIMWS. TriB. Potest. CENSOR - AEDEM victoriae. Wet WSTATE ILLAPSAM. swa. IMPENSA. RESTITWiT.

The peasants show another spring near the mosaic pavement which they call “Oradina,” and which flows down the hills into a tank, or mill-dam, and thence trickles over into the Digentia.

But we must not hope

“To trace the Muses upwards to their spring,”

by exploring the windings of the romantic valley in search of the Bandusian fountain. It seems strange that any one should have thought Bandusia a fountain of the Digentia–Horace has not let drop a word of it; and this immortal spring has in fact been discovered in possession of the holders of many good things in Italy, the monks. It was attached to the church of St. Gervais and Protais near Venusia, where it was most likely to be found.* We shall not be so lucky as a late traveller in finding the occasional pine still pendent on the poetic villa. There is not a pine in the whole valley, but there are two cypresses, which he evidently took, or mistook, for the tree in the ode.f. The truth is, that the pine is now, as it was in the days of Virgil, a garden tree, and it was not at all likely to be found in the craggy acclivities of the valley of Rustica. Horace probably had one of them in the orchard close above his farm, immediately overshadowing his villa, not on the rocky heights at some distance from his abode. The tourist may have easily supposed himself to have seen this pine figured in the above cypresses; for the orange and lemon trees which throw such a bloom over his description of the royal gardens at Naples, unless they have been since displaced, were assuredly only acacias and other common garden shrubs.t

XXXII.
EUSTACE'S CLASSICAL TOUR.

The extreme disappointment experienced by choosing the Classical Tourist as a guide in Italy must be allowed to find vent in a few observations, which, it is asserted without fear of contradiction, will be confirmed by every one who has selected the same conductor through the same country. This author is in fact one of the most inaccurate, unsatisfactory writers that have in our times attained a temporary reputation, and is very seldom to be trusted even when he speaks of objects which he must be presumed to have seen. His errors, from the simple exaggeration

* See— Historical Illustrations of the Fourth Canto, p. 43. f See— Classical Tour, &c. chap. vii. p. 250 vol. ii.

f “Under our windows, and bordering on the beach, is the royal garden, laid out in parterres, and walks shaded by rows of orange trees.” Classical Tour, &c. chap. xi, vol. ii. oct. 365.

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to the downright mis-statement, are so frequent as to induce a suspicion
that he had either never visited the spots described, or had trusted to the
fidelity of former writers. Indeed, the Classical Tour has every charac-
teristic of a mere compilation of former notices, strung together upon a
very slender thread of personal observation, and swelled out by those decor-
ations which are so easily supplied by a systematic adoption of all the
common-places of praise, applied to every thing, and therefore signifying
nothing.
The style which one person thinks cloggy and cumbrous, and unsuitable,
may be to the taste of others, and such may experience some salutary
excitement in ploughing through the periods of the Classical Tour. It
must be said, however, that polish and weight are apt to beget an expect-
ation of value. It is amongst the pains of the damned to toil up a climax
with a huge round stone.
The tourist had the choice of his words, but there was no such latitude
allowed to that of his sentiments. The love of virtue and of liberty, which
must have distinguished the character, certainly adorns the pages of Mr.
Eustace; and the gentlemanly spirit, so recommendatory either in an author
or his productions, is very conspicuous throughout the Classical Tour. But
these generous qualities are the foliage of such a performance, and may be
spread about it so prominently and profusely, as to embarrass those who
wish to see and find the fruit at hand. The unction of the divine, and the
exhortations of the moralist, may have made this work something more
and better than a book of travels, but they have not made it a book of
travels; and this observation applies more especially to that enticing me-
thod of instruction conveyed by the perpetual introduction of the same
Gallic Helot to reel and bluster before the rising generation, and terrify it
into decency by the display of all the excesses of the revolution. An
animosity against atheists and regicides in general, and Frenchmen
specifically, may be honourable, and may be useful as a record; but that
antidote should either be administered in any work rather than a tour, or,
at least, should be served up apart, and not so mixed with the whole mass
of information and reflection, as to give a bitterness to every page: for
who would choose to have the antipathies of any man, however just, for
his travelling companions? A tourist, unless he aspires to the credit of
prophecy, is not answerable for the changes which may take place in the
country which he describes; but his reader may very fairly esteem all his
Wolitical portraits and deductions as so much waste paper, the moment
they cease to assist, and more particularly if they obstruct, his actual
survey.
Neither encomium nor accusation of any government, or governors, is
meant to be here offered; but it is stated as an incontrovertible fact, that
the change operated, either by the address of the late imperial system, or
by the disappointment of every expectation by those who have succeeded
to the Italian thrones, has been so considerable, and is so apparent, as not
only to put Mr. Eustace's antigallican philippics entirely out of date, but
even to throw some suspicion upon the competency and candour of the
author himself. A remarkable example may be found in the instance of
Bologna, over whose papal attachments, and consequent desolation, the

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