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have been so artfully and extensively diffused, that Mr. Burr has been viewed at a distance from the theatre of the suppofed action, as a being more than mortal. He has been made an Atlas without his powers. Even in our western states, a few individuals have been taught to believe that to save a sinking empire it is only necessary for Mr. Burr to stretch forth his hand: gifted with this extraordinary faculty, it might be dangerous to impede, for trifling error, Mr. Burr's rapid progress toward the attainment of the direction of the national energies. For it would be no bad Jogic to say, that, he who can so readily save, may, with equal facility, destroy a state. To be considered in this all commanding attitude, might be of infinite advantage to the Vice President; and there can be little doubt but that the ingenious reports of his astonishing feats and pre-eminent powers, have been desseminated by his friends with a view to promote his personal aggrandizement. We may be perImitted to dedicate a moment to the consideration of the extent of Mr. Burr's services in our state election of 1800; and to unfold his motives for his peculiar exertions at that period. In doing this we shall chearfully concede to him what is justly his due.

We will not pay so ill a compliment to our enlightened fellow citizens as to say, that, like clay, they may, by a skilful hand, be moulded into any form. Men who know and appreciate their rights, and who exercise their franchise with sober discretion, alike dispise flattery and coertion. And yet to suppose that a few persons, can, at pleasure, and to promote sinister views, marshal fifty thousand independent electors, is to imagine them so many feathers, amenable to

the direction of every capricious gale. Those who make such calculations, will find themselves, in the end, woefully mistaken. Violent federal measures, and an universal sense of their dangerous tendency, produced that effulgence which beamed upon us in the year 1800. The glorious events of that period, are the effect of public sensibility vibrating in unison with a high sense of public danger. It must, however, be admitted, that the greatest force, without proper management, will be found inefficacious. Public opinion may be directed to national advantage, but it cannot, where elections are, as with us, adequate and free, be turned against itself. Let us then enquire what agency Mr. Burr had in the direction of this opinion, and what were his motives for that agency.

The members of the State Legislature, when assembled at the seat of government in the capacity of mere citizens, may be termed the Cabinet Council of the state election. Each member brings with him a knowledge of the Section he represents. In such an assembly, the disposition of the state may be easily and accurately ascertained, and measures may be devised in it, dissimilar indeed in their parts, but aptly fitting to each local division. The grand arrange ments for the state at an important crisis, originate at the seat of the state government in the manner stated. These are recommended to the citizens' of the different counties, who assent to the plans if they appear to them to be proper and expedient.

Mr. Burr was not in the State Legislature the session previous to the election of 1800. He had no hand there

fore in the measures devised for the state at large, nor has claim to a share of the merit of the general successe

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That he was active in the city of New-York in favour of the election of the Republican Members for that city, is admitted in its fullest extent. He certainly did, for the first time since he turned to the Republican party, display great zeal and alacrity in favour of the city ticket. He did what was the duty of every good citizen; he exerted him-self in favour of that party who have hitherto upheld the freedom of the Union. He attended the Electioneering. meetings, and the Polls, and one night he spoke about ten minutes to an assembly of the citizens of the Sixth Ward with a view to animate them to suitable exertions. speech, was, however, of an icy nature; it was frigid and inanimate; it did not so much as make one drop of blood run from the heart with more than ordinary velocity. It was the first time I ever heard the Vice-President speak, and I confess his speech did not impress on my mind high notions of his Rhetorical powers.

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But was Mr. Burr singular in this respect? Did not every Republican heart palpitate in favour of the cause? Did not every Republican rally round the standard of freedom at that time with more than common ardour and solicitude? How many were there in the city as bold, zealous, and indefatigable as the Vice-President? Every Republican truly considered the contest as involving in its issue his life, liberty, and property; and all his powers of body and mind were accordingly set in motion. could mention HUNDREDS who distinguished themselves in

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that glorious' and memorable contest as much as the VicePresident; and who exhibited no less zeal, interest, and honourable activity than himself. The fact is, the cause was a common one; each Republican considered it as emphatically his own, and an universal glow of patriotism was eve ry where manifest. The pleasing expectation of putting down a haughty, high-handed Aristocracy, and the attainable prospect of raising Mr. JEFFERSON to the chair of State, were sufficient to animate and did excite our citizens to the most meritorious and brilliant acts of patriotism; the peaceful and successful exercise of the elective franchise.

But why was Mr. Burr so zealous in the election of 1800? Never before, since he deemed it expedient to join the Republican phalanx, did he pre-eminently distinguish himself in our elections. Sufficient has been said to evince that, previous to to the new era, he was never known to manifest solicitude for the success of Republican Elections, except, when, by superlative artifice, he exerted every nerve to palm himself, as an high officer, upon the State. In 1792, when it was ascertained that neither the Republicans nor Federalists would support him for the office of Governor of the State, he was careless of the issue of the election. In 1795, when the Republican party supported Judge Yates in preference to himself, he remained inactive. And in 1798, when Chancellor Livingston was the Republican candidate, Mr. Burr neither harangued the citizens in their Ward assemblies, attended their general meetings, nor was he seen at the Polls. Why then this anxiety, this activity, this vehemence in 1800? The ques tion is not of difficult solutition. Mr. Burr was a candidate for the Vice Presidency in 1797, and he had reason to believe that he would again be held up for that office in the

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year 1800. He also knew that the success of the Presiden tial Election materially depended on the triumph of this State. As usual, therefore, Mr. Burr was active in the Election in proportion as he conceived himself interested in its issue.

We succeeded in the State, and the friends of freedom and of JEFFERSON were satisfied beyond all doubt, that the Republican Presidential ticket would prevail. This was in the beginning of May, when Congress were on the eve of adjournment. It was then deemed proper to make a choice of Candidates previous to the returning of the Representatives to their respective districts. It was known that the Candidates would be fixed upon at the seat of government by the members of Congress. There was no time for a choice in any other way. Mr. Burr accordingly, repaired to Philadelphia, where a meeting of the members of both houses was called. At this meeting, Mr. Burr attended, and, after some affected squeamishness, consented to serve as Vice-President.*

Without censuring the members of Congress, who made choice of Mr. Burr, and who were obliged by circumstances to nominate a Vice-President rather precipitately, it is proper to remark, that he was too little known in the different states to render his nomination either judicious or acceptable. There was undoubtedly much intrigue on the part of Mr. Burr, and his personal friends, to get him nominated. Had the Republican Party in the State of New-York, who best knew him, been consulted, he would *«You all did see, that, on the Lupercal, I thrice presented him a kingly crown ; Which he did thrice refuse, Was this ambition ?" Antony's Funeral Oration.

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