certain it is that the few devoted adherents of Mr. Burr, both in New-York and elsewhere, censured what-they deem ed an improper pertenacity in favor of Mr. Jefferson; and could not be persuaded, until it was thundered in their ears by the sound of cannon, that, their little dagon was not universally worshipped! On the eve of the Presidential choice, in the House of Representatives, a series of essays appeared in the NewYork Gazette under the signature of Epaminondas, addressed to the Federal members of the House of Representatives. They originally appeared in five numbers, but were afterwards published in a pamphlet, a form more convenient for circulation. They were intended to unite the Federalists in the choice of Mr. Burr. Epaminondas was the effusion of an inventive mind; a warm imagination: the style was somewhat elegant. Upon close inspection it will be found that it was written by a person intimately acquainted with the vicepresident. It was a philippic against Mr. Jefferson; prodigal eulogium on Mr. Burr. It was an artful appeal to the hopes and fears, the pride and avarice, the ambition and cupidity, of the Federal party. The author is not known, but it is presumed that it was written in Mr. Burr's library. A young man of the name of Monfort, who, when Epaminondas was written, lived with Mr. Burr, has frequently declared at Washington, since the elevation of Mr. Jefferson, that he wrote it under the eye of the Vice-President.* a NOTE. * We extract the following from Epaminondas, that the reader may form some idea of the nature and style of the production. With these letters, whether written by Monfort of himelf, Mr. Burr was much pleased. It is known that he applied to Mr. Lang, the proprietor of the Gazette, in which they appeared, and, smiling, very cordially enquired for the NOTE. MOTTO. "Not one word more of the consumed time, "It has been objected to Mr. Burr, that he possesses not the confidence of his own party. It is only to state this objection to be convinced of its futility. The diversion of a single suffrage from Mr. Burr, would have insured the Presidency to Mr. Jefferson. Had such want of confidence existed, an expedient so obvious would not have been neglected, when it was notorious that in the event of an equality of suffrages, the concurrence of a majority of the states in favor of Mr. Jefferson could not, with safety, be presumed. Admitting for a moment this alledged want of confidence, it would furnish an irresistable argument for the preference of Mr. Burr. Is it then true, as this admission would seem to imply, that the chief hopes of the subversion of the existing system are centered in Mr. Jefferson? That Mr. Burr is signalized by a disposition less hostile, by a temper more accommodating? Is the atchievement incomplete unless Mr. Jefferson be the hero? Will the car of triumph be less gracefully filled by Mr. Burr? Is the victory without blood, and are the conquerors to enjoy only the lesser honors of an ovation? Are they to be deprived of the usual accompanyments of a triumph; the sight of the vanquished yoked to the victor's chariot, and gracing his entry into the Capitol? Through the goodness author. This might have been a finesse to cover the real writer: be this, however, as it may, it appears that Mr. Burr was highly gratified with, and felt himself obliged to Epaminondas. NOTE. Bad Unhappily of providence, or by some unhappy fatality, there seems to subsist a necessary connection between vice and weakness. men are the worst preservers of their own secrets.† for the few desperate partizans of this objection, they have, with usual indiscretion, divulged their reasons. Mr. Jefferson, say they, in the very gristle of his youth, nay, in its first conception, pronounced the doom of the constitution. Like Hannibal, he has sworn on his country's altars, that the federal union of its states shall be dissolved.* With him say they, the Rubicon is past. The sacraments have been administered; the bloody morsel of execration has been swallowed; his agonies are past. What might appal the devil he now dares do. On Mr. Burr we have now no such hold; he is in the very infancy of political sinning the infernal lake is not yet crossed, and the boat launched from shore; hardly within its portals, and holding the clue in hand, he may yet retrace his wanderings in the labyrinth of error: he may yet be redeemed without the sacrifice of another mediator." Pages 15, 16 and 17. : How exactly descriptive are these lines of Mr. Burr! * What an infamous lying scoundrel. These intimations of the presumed disposition of Mr. Burr to coalesce with the federal party, accord with his assent to the proposition to that import of the federal negociator. Monfort, grateful to his benefactor, Mr. Burr, with whom he had lived many months, and willing to render him all the service in his power, journeyed to Washington to observe the motions of the two contending parties in the House of Representatives. He lodged in the same hotel where Mr. Jefferson and many of his friends were, and expressed himself freely in favour of Mr. Burr for the Presidency. He introduced conversations with several of the Republican members of Congress, strenuously urging arguments why Mr. Burr should be preferred to Mr. Jefferson. This incident has about it something suspicious. It is hardly probable that a youth so dependant on Mr. Burr would conduct himself in this way without knowing it would be agreeable to him. Mr. Dana, a member of Congress for Connecticut, corresponded with a federal gentleman in New-York before the struggle in the House of Representatives. We are not au ́thorized to mention the contents of the letters. It is, however, probable, that they concernnd Mr. Burr, as they were regularly laid before him as they came to hand. Delicacy towards the gentleman forbids our mentioning his name, but the fact will not be denied. At the same time a correspondence was regularly kept up, and has been since continued, between Mr. Burr, Dayton, Harper, Henry Lee, Dexter, Bayard, Ross, and many other eminent federal characters. It is reported, and we believe with truth, that General Hamilton declared in a public company at Albany, in February 1801, that he could prove, in a court of justice, that Mr. Burr had in....... trigued for the presidency. The General no doubt alluded to the negociation between Mr. Burr and the agent of the Federalists in Congress; we have reason to believe that at that time he was well acquainted, with the fact. Hamil-. ton, though of course hostile to the election of both, pre-. ferred the elevation of Mr. Jefferson to that of Mr. Burr. In the year 1794, a tract of land belonging to Mr. John Julius Angerstein of London, was sold to Mr. Burr and the famous James Greenleaf, jointly, for twenty five thousand pounds sterling.*. One half of that sum was to be paid in London on the first day of July 1796, with interest at six per cent, to be secured by bond. Twenty thousand dollars were to be paid by Mr. Burr, in a note at short date, to Mr. Samuel Ward of the city of New-York, agent of Mr. Angerstein. The remainder was to be paid to Angerstein in London on the first of January 1796, to be secured also by bond. It appears that the note for twenty thousand dollars was regularly paid. Previous, however, to the period when the bonds became due, Greenleaf was insolvent, and Mr. Burr refused to discharge them. Accordingly a suit was instituted against him, and judgment obtained in the supreme court of this State in favor of Angerstein. From this judgmeut Mr. Burr appealed to the court of Chancery In the mean time, however, Burr and Greenleaf sold the tract of land to Mr. John Browne of Providence, Rhode-Isl and, to an immense profit and pocketed the cash. le-Ishy *Or one hundred eleven thousand, one hundred and ten dollars. |