against the churches of Germany, and especially against the good emperor; that without his consent he durst be so bold as to meddle in churches committed to the emperor's government against the old and ancient customs; and that he had excommunicated the emperor without just cause; that he had condemned the emperor's faithful subjects as enemies to the church, for standing with their liege and sovereign prince (which allegiance without horrible iniquity they might not violate), and so had sought to disquiet them likewise in their charges and administrations; and had also in that quarrel given such defiance to the emperor. They accused and condemned Albert for a most impudent impostor, and for a most pestiferous botch and sore of the christian commonwealth, and they give him to the devil as a ruinous enemy, as well of the church as of his own natural country, and further think him worthy to have his reward with the rest of the pope's pursuivants, being one of the most wicked inventors and devisers of mischief that were in all Germany. This done, they informed the emperor of it by their letters; and, further, they advertised all the princes of Germany (especially those which were of the pope's faction or rebellion, and were the favourers of Albert), that they should take heed and beware in any case of his subtle deceits and pernicious deceivable allurements, and that they should not assist the pope against the emperor.

While these things were thus in working in Germany, Frederick came to Etruria, and after he had allayed certain insurrections there, from thence to Pisa, where he was received and welcomed with great amity and honour. This city was always faithful to the emperors of Germany.

Frederick then getting on his side the Lucenses, the Volaterans, the Genenses, the Aretines, and several cities besides in Etruria, came to Viterbium, which took part with him.

When the pope understood that Frederick was come to Viterbium he was very heavy, for he feared he would come to Rome, the good-will of which city the pope much mistrusted. He, therefore, caused a supplication to be drawn, pourtraying the heads of Peter and Paul, and with a sharp and contumelious oration he much defaced the emperor, promising everlasting life and the badge of the cross to as many as would arm themselves and fight against the emperor, as against the most wicked enemy of God and the church. Now when the emperor, marching somewhat near to the gates of Rome, beheld those whom the pope had, with his goodly spectacle of St. Peter and St. Paul, and with his alluring oration, stirred up against him, and marked with the badge of the cross, coming forth in battle against him; disdaining to be accounted for the enemy of the church, when he had been so beneficial to it, he made a fierce charge upon them, and soon put them to flight, and as many as he took (cutting off that badge from them) he caused to be hanged.

After this, when the emperor had greatly afflicted by battle such as conspired with the pope against him, he marched to vanquish the rest of his enemies in Italy, and besieged Asculinum. There understanding what the pope's assistants had done with the princes electors, and other princes of Germany, he wrote his letters to them. In which, first he shewed how that those contumelies and spiteful words, which the pope blustered out against him, are lighted upon himself; and how the bishops of Rome not only seek to bring emperors, kings, and princes under their obedience, but also seek to be honoured as gods, and say that they cannot err, nor yet be subject or bound to any religion. And further, as princes they command (under pain of cursing) that men believe every thing they say, how great a lie soever it be. Insomuch that by this covetousness of his, all things go backward, and the whole commonwealth is subverted, neither can any enemy be found more hurtful or perilous to the church of God than he. He wrote to them further, that he, seeing their good wills and practices towards him, would, with all the power and ability that God had given him, endeavour that he who in the likeness of

the shepherd of the flock, and the servant of Christ, and chief prelate in the church, shews himself so very a wolf, persecutor and tyrant, may be removed from that place, and that a true and careful shepherd of God's flock may be appointed in the church. Wherefore he exhorts them, if they desire the safety and preservation of the whole state of the commonwealth and empire, that they be furtherers of his purpose and proceedings, lest otherwise they also should happen to fall into the same snare of servitude with the bishop of Rome.

When the pope, as is said before, would not hear the emperor's legates that came to treat for peace, he called to a council at Rome, all such prelates out of Italy, France and England, as he thought to favour him and his proceedings, that thereby, as his last shift and only refuge, he by their help might deprive Frederick of his empire, as an utter enemy to God and to the church. All which things Frederick having knowledge of, determined to prevent their passage to Rome, as well by sea as by land. So that all the passages by land being now stopped and prevented, he commanded his son Henry with certain galleys to go and keep the coasts of Sardinia, and from thence to go to Pisa, and with the Pisans to rig out a navy to meet with such as should come to aid the

pope at Rome. The pope's champions understanding they could not safely repair to Rome by land, procured galleys and ships out of Genoa to the number of forty sail for their defence; thinking that if they should happen to meet with any of the emperor's ships or galleys, they should be able to make their part good, and give them the repulse. Encius in like manner and Huglinus (being captain and admiral of the Pisan navy for the emperor) launched forth to sea with forty ships and galleys; and met with the Genoese ships, and fiercely began to grapple with them and board them, in which fight at length three of the Genoese ships were sunk, with all the riches and treasure in them. In these, three legates of the popes, were taken, of whom were two cardinals, all cruel enemies against the emperor, and many other prelates more; besides a great number of legates and procurators of cities, with an infinite number of monks and priests, besides six thousand soldiers, with others.

Pandolph Colonutius, in describing the circumstances of the great loss and misfortune of these champions of the pope by sea, declares that besides the great spoil and booty, they also found many writings and letters against Frederick, which much helped them in the defence of those causes, wherein they had laboured against him.

News hereof was brought to the emperor not long after, who immediately led his army towards Rome; and in the way he reconciled the city of Pisa to the cause. But Fanum, because the townsmen shut their gates and would not suffer the emperor to come in, he took by force and destroyed. The emperor, seeing that neither by petition to the pope, nor yet by lawful excuse, could he do any good with him, thought, by his sudden coming there, and the fear of the imminent peril, he might be brought to leave off his pertinacity. And although the emperor was too strong for the pope, yet, because he regarded nothing more than the public tranquillity of the empire, and that he might then take the Tartar wars in hand, he refused not to treat for peace, as if he had been both in force and fortune much his inferior.

While this ruffle was betwixt the emperor and the pope, the emperor of the Tartars' son, invaded the borders next adjoining to him, and there won Roxolanum, Bodolium, Mudanum, with many other cities, towns, and villages, destroying, wasting and burning the countries all about, killing and slaying man, woman, and child, sparing none of any sex or age. At this sudden invasion, the people being in such fear and perplexity, having no city, no refuge, nor aid to stand in defence for them, were obliged to leave all that they had, and disperse themselves into woods, and fly into marshes and mountains, or wherever any succour offered itself to them.

The emperor thought it very requisite, that this mischief should be remedied and prevented with all speed; but his great enemy the pope, was the only hinderance. For when he saw and perceived that he himself could do no good, and only laboured in vain in seeking peace with

the pope, he gave commandment to Boiemus and Boius, to intreat and persuade with him. And (considering the imminent peril likely to ensue, by reason of such civil dissension, to the whole state of Christendom) that he would take up and conclude a peace, and mitigate somewhat his fierce and wrathful mood; and when he saw further, that neither by that means of intreaty nor any other, the pope would desist from his stubborn and malicious purpose, he wrote to the king of Hungary, that he was right sorry and greatly lamented their miserable state, and that he much desired to relieve the need and necessity that he and all the rest stood in. But that he could not redress the same, nor be any assistance to him, because as the bishop of Rome refused all treaty of peace, he could not without great peril to himself depart out of Italy, lest by the pope's mischievous imaginations, he should be in peril of losing all at home. This was the loving zeal and affection of the pope and his adherents in this time of calamity towards the christian state and commonwealth; that he had rather bend his force and revenge his malice upon the good and christian emperor, than either he himself withstand, or suffer and permit, by any profitable peace, that this most bloody and cruel Tartar should be restrained from so great a havock,spoil and slaugh. ter of christian men; and yet forsooth these men will seem to have the greatest regard of all others to the christian preservation, and think to have the supremacy given therein! What else is this, but manifest mockery and deceiving of the people.

When Frederick saw there was no other remedy, and that he laboured in vain to have peace with the pope, he prosecuted this war to the uttermost; and when he had got Tudertum, he destroyed the towns of Geminum and Narvia, and gave the spoil to his soldiers; he gently received the surrender of Siburnium, and wasted all the country about Rome. The pope, dismayed and troubled, and seeing that things prospered not so well with him and against the emperor as he wished, died for very

anger.

In the stead of Gregory, succeeded Celestine IV., who, the eighteenth day after he was created pope, also died.

When the cardinals were all assembled, they made Sinibald pope, whom they called Innocent IV. Of which election, when Frederick was informed, he was well pleased; and as he had in all this troublous time been his friend, he hoped that the christian commonwealth would now have been brought to much peace and concord.

The legates of Frederick also, with the assistance of Baldwin, the emperor of Constantinople, laboured very diligently for the conclusion of the promise of peace. And to be brief, every man was in good hope, and looked for no less. But the matter fell out far otherwise, and contrary to all their expectation. For the pope was secretly set on and encouraged by the cardinals and others against Frederick. And while the emperor's legates waited for the answer, Rainerus, the cardinal, went secretly to Viterbium with a number of soldiers, and took the town.

The emperor, hearing of this, mustered his bands, and with a sufficient force entered the pope's territory to recover Viterbium. From thence he sent ambassadors to Rome, and with them also the emperor of Constantinople, and the earl of Toulouse, who he thought were able to do much with the pope in the prosecuting of this peace. But when the legates perceived no conclusion of peace was purposed, they began to despair of the matter; and so sent word to the emperor. The emperor yet doubted not, but if he might himself speak with the pope, he should, upon reasonable conditions, accord with him; so by his legates and letters, he desired him to appoint a place where the emperor might resort to him. The pope seemed to be contented, and appointed a day at Fescennia, where they would talk together; and the pope promised that he would be there before him, and wait the emperor's coming. But the pope had made a confederacy with the French king against Frederick; and when he knew the three galleys previously hired to be ready, he secretly in the night took ship, and came to

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Genoa, and from thence to Lyons in France, where, calling a council, he, with a loud voice summoned Frederick, and appointing him a day, commanded him there personally to plead his cause.

And although his sudden departing out of Italy, made plain demonstration of no conclusion of a peace; yet the most modest emperor, using the innocency and uprightness of his cause, and as one most desirous of peace and christian concord, sent the patriarch of Antioch, the bishop of Panormia and Thadeus Suessanus, the president of his court, a most skilful and prudent civilian, to the council of Lyons, who signified to them that the emperor would be there for the defence of his own cause; and, as the day was very short, required a more convenient time for him to repair there. The emperor also sent to intreat that he would prorogue the day of hearing, till he might conveniently travel thither. But the pope would not give so much as three days' space, in which time the ambassadors assured them of the emperor's presence. When the day was come, the pope, with his confederates, against God's law, against christian doctrine, against both the precept of the law of nature and reason, against the rule of equity, against the constitutions of emperors, and also the decrees of the empire, without any observation of the law, or granting dilatory days, without proof of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded or heard what might be answered therein, taking upon him to be both adversary and judge, condemned the emperor in his absence. What more wicked sentence was ever pronounced? What more cruel act, considering the person, could be committed? Or, what thing more brutish could have been imagined or devised?

When the emperor heard of this cruel and tyrannical sentence of the pope, passed and pronounced against him he thought good by his letters, to let all christian princes and potentates understand, as well what injurious and manifold displeasure he had sustained by the four preceding popes in their times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this pope, in pronouncing the sentence of judgment and condemnation against him passing the bounds both of justice, equity, and reason.

same.

This policy the pope used to disturb Germany, and the whole empire; and utterly to destroy and subvert the And thus, Germany was divided, some taking part with Frederick the emperor; some with those that should by the pope's appointment be the electors of the new emperor, and thus was the public peace and quiet broken, and all together in tumult.

By these civil wars, Germany suffered no little calamity; in every place was manslaughter and murder, the country spoiled, the towns and villages set on fire and burnt, the churches and temples, wherein the husbandmen had put their goods and substance, violated and robbed; houses were pulled down, the goods divided, and every man's cattle driven away. To conclude, in this turmoil and contention of deposing and choosing another emperor, in this faction of princes, and this liberty of wearing armour; in this licence of hurting and sinning, the impudent boldness of private soldiers, and especially of such as were the horsemen, then counted the better sort of soldiers, was so great, and their unbridled and unsatiable desire in robbing, spoiling and taking of booties, catching and snatching all that came to hand, so much, that nothing could be sure and in safety that any good man enjoyed.

Otho Boius, however, kept his promise and faith which he had pledged before to the emperor Frederick and Conrad his son. Whereupon Philip Javavensis, Albert and others calling a council at Mildorsus by the pope's commandment, sent for Otho, to whom they opened the pope's pleasure and commandment. To all which when he had heard, Otho answered, "I cannot marvel at some of you enough, that, when heretofore you persuaded me to leave and forsake the part I took with the bishop of Rome, whom you yourselves affirmed to be Antichrist and that I should take part with the emperor, you yourselves will not keep your fidelity and promise made to those good princes.' And he said, that "he perceived in them a great inconstancy and levity, both in their words and deeds, who now call that wicked, unjust and violent wrong, that but lately they thought equal, just

and right." He said further," that they were overcome with pleasures, corrupted with superfluity, won with bribes, gaping for honour and estimation; and that they neither regarded honesty, godliness, nor their duty and office; but studied how to make dissension and commotions, and longed after war and bloody battle."

He said further, that for his part he would obey God and his prince, to whom he had sworn fidelity; and that he nought esteemed the feigned holiness and detestable practices of such prelates. He said he believed in Christ, and would trust to his mercy; and that he believed how those whom they cursed and gave to the devil, were in the greatest favour with God. However, those prelates took in good part this expostulation of his, and seemed to bear Otho no malice or grudge for what he had said, but to be desirous of peace and unity; yet not long after Otho was cursed as black as all the rest, and counted as bad as the

worst.

Albert the pope's champion now bethought him of a mischievous device against Conrad Cæsar the emperor's son. Albert with certain of his confederates, by means of Ulric a chief officer of the monks, came in the dead time of the night into the chamber, where the Cæsar with a few others about him was lying down; and falling upon them, they took some, and slew others; and finding no other body in the chamber or lodging, they thought that Cæsar had been slain among the rest. But he hearing the noise, forsook his bed, and hid himself under a bench, and so escaped their hands. The next day he outlawed or proscribed the bishop and his companions, and also the monk's bailiff for treason, and seized upon all the goods of the house. But at the suit of the guiltless monks he released all to them again, taking by way of fine one hundred pounds. Ulric lost his office, and Albert, to escape punishment, took the habit of a monk. Conrad Hochenfolseus, who was the murderer of these men, though he escaped the punishment of man's hand, yet the vengeance of God for the fact he escaped not. For as he was riding in the day time abroad, he was suddenly stricken with a thunderbolt and died.

During all this busy and contentious time, it may well be gathered, that Frederick was not still, but had his hands full suppressing these rebellious Popish tumults, and having done strict execution on those that had conspired against his person, he came to Cremona and took with him the wisest, most virtuous, and best learned men that there were, thinking with them to have gone himself to Lyons to the pope, and there to have communication with him as well concerning the sentence, as also about the conclusion of some peace, if by any means he might. And when all things were prepared and ready, he took the journey in hand. When within three days' journey of Lyons, he was certified that Parma was taken by the outlaws of sundry factions of the pope; when he understood this and that the pope was the chief actor, he saw manifestly it would little prevail to attempt any further the thing he went about, and then at length when he saw no other remedy, putting from him all hope of peace, he prepared himself to the wars with all his force and might. Thus altering his purpose and journey, he took the straightest way into Lombardy, and with an army of sixty thousand men he besieged Parma. In the beginning all things prospered well with Frederick, and had good success; for he sharply repelled the charges of them that defended the city of Parma. And further, Robert Castilion, who was the emperor's lieutenant in Picenum near to Auximum,discomfited the pope's army, and slew of them more than four thousand, and took many such as were of the confederate cities prisoners. But this good success and prosperous fortune lasted not long. For when Frederick to recreate himself (as he seldom had his health) rode about the fields with some of his horsemen to hawk and hunt, many of the soldiers wandered and ranged unarmed about the fields. The soldiers in Parma, having this opportunity, entered with all force and speed possible the emperor's camp, which not being strongly fenced, nor having gates to shut against them, was a thing easy enough to do. When they had killed and slain a great number of the emperor's soldiers, and had burnt and destroyed the camp, they came again to Parma.

After this also, Richard in another conflict in Picenum, discomfited the pope's soldiers, and slew their captain Hugolinus, besides two thousand others slain and taken prisoners. When Frederick had now again gathered, and new mustered his bands at Dominum, he marched forth to Cremona; and notwithstanding that there he understood of the good success and victory that Encius had at Rhegium, yet he perceived the defection of the most part of Lombardy from him, and he determined to take his journey into Apulia, and when he had there levied a strong and sufficient army, he purposed to make his speedy return again into Lombardy.

When news was brought him thither, that Encius his son (coming to aid the Mutinenses against the Bononians) was taken prisoner two miles from Mutina; and that in his absence, the pope's captains, with their bands and garrisons, went throughout all Lombardy, Emilia, Flamminia, and Etruria, to stir and procure the cities to revolt from the obedience of the emperor, and working the same partly by subtle policies, and partly by force and sinister means to bring them to his purpose he determined, with all the force and power he might by any means procure, to begin afresh, and prosecute this war to the utmost. Nor was it to be doubted but that he would have wrought some marvellous exploit and great attempt, but that he was prevented by unlooked-for death. When he fell into this ague, which led to his death, he made and ordained his testament. And when to Conrad and his other children he had given and appointed the great and innumerable mass of money which he had collected and levied for the maintenance of his wars, and godly purpose (as it is called) and also had given all his kingdoms and dominions (to every one according to their ages and years) he departed this wretched and miserable world.

Pandolph writes, that Frederick was very willing to die, and, as they made certain report to him who were present at his death, that his mind was altogether set and bent on heavenly joy and felicity. He died in A. D. 1250, the 13th of December, in the seven-andfiftieth year of his age, and seven-and-thirtieth year of his reign.

This Frederick had not his equal in martial affairs, and in warlike policies none could be compared to him among all the princes of that age: he was a wise and skilful soldier, a great endurer of painful labours, most bold in greatest perils, prudent in foresight, industrious in all his doings, prompt and nimble about what he took in hand, and in adversity most stout and courageous. But as in this corruption of nature, there are few that attain perfection, neither yet is there any prince of such government and godly institution both in life and doctrine as is required of them: so neither was this Frederick without his fault and human frailty, for the writers impute to him some faults wherewith he was stained and spotted.

As you have heard of the iniquity and raging pride of the popish church against the lawful emperor; so now you shall hear how God begins to resist and withstand the corruption of that church, by stirring up certain faithful teachers in sundry countries; as in Suevia, (about A. D. 1240), where many preachers, mentioned in Urspergensis, and also in Crantzius, (lib. viii. cap. 16 and 18), preached against the pope. These preachers (as Crantzius saith) ringing the bells, and calling together the barons in Hallis of Suevia, preached that the pope was a heretic, and that his bishops and prelates were simoniacs and heretics; and that the inferior priests and prelates had no authority to bind and loose, but were all deceivers. That no pope, bishop, or priest could restrain men from their duty of serving and worshipping God; and therefore such cities or countries, as were then under the pope's curse, might lawfully resort to the receiving of sacraments as well as before. That friars, Dominican, and Franciscan, subverted the church with their preaching. And that the indulgence of the pope was of no value. And thus much I thought here to recite, whereby it may appear how the resisting of the pope's usurped power and corrupt doctrine is no new thing in these days in the church of Christ.

And not long after rose up Arnold De Nova Villa, a Spaniard, and a man famously learned and a great writer, (A. D. 1250), whom the pope condemned among heretics for holding and writing against the corrupt errors of the popish church. His teaching was, that Satan had seduced the world from the truth of Christ Jesus. That the faith (which then christian men were commonly taught) was such a faith as the devils had; meaning belike (as we now affirm) that the papists do teach only the historical faith, that christian people (meaning the most part) are led by the pope unto hell. That all monks and nuns are void of charity and damned; that masses are not to be celebrated; and that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead.

And as this Arnold was condemned, so also at the same time John Semeca, the gloss-writer of the pope's decrees, and provost of Halberstat was excommunicated and deprived of his provostship, for resisting Pope Clement IV. in gathering his exactions in Germany; and therefore he appealed from the pope to a general council, and had many great favourers on his side, till at last both the pope and he died.

Then followed the worthy and valiant champion of Christ, and adversary of antichrist William de St. Amore, a master of Paris, and chief ruler of that university. This William in his time had no small ado writing against the friars, and their hypocrisy, condemning their whole order. All the testimonies of scripture that make against antichrist, he applied against the clergy of prelates, and the popish spirituality. He compiled many worthy works, wherein, although he uttered nothing but truth, yet he was by antichrist condemned for a heretic, exiled, and his books burnt.

In the days of this William there was a most detestable and blasphemous book set forth by the friars, which they called The Everlasting Gospel," or "The Gospel of the Holy Ghost." In which book many abominable errors of the friars were contained, so that the gospel of Jesus Christ was utterly defaced, which, this book said, was not to be compared with this Everlasting Gospel, no more than the shell is to be compared with the kernel, than darkness to light, &c. Moreover, that the gospel of Christ shall be preached no longer than fifty years, and then that this "Everlasting Gospel" should rule the church, &c. Also, that whatever was in the whole bible, was likewise contained in this new gospel. At length this friars' gospel was accused to the pope, and six persons were chosen to peruse and judge of the book, among whom this William was one, who mightily impeached this pestiferous and devilish book. These six, after perusing the book, were sent to Rome. The friars likewise sent their messenger, where they were refuted, and the book condemned; out the pope commanded the book to be condemned not publicly, but privately, wishing to preserve the estimation of the religious orders, as of his own chief champions.

Among the others of that age, who withstood the bishop of Rome and his antichristian errors, was one Lawrence an Englishman, and master of Paris; another was Peter John, a minorite. Lawrence was about the year A. D. 1260; in his teaching, preaching, and writing, he stoutly defended William de St. Amore against the friars. Other things also he wrote, wherein by various proofs and testimonies he argued, that antichrist was not far off to come.

The other, Peter John, was about the year A.D. 1290. He taught and maintained many things against the pope, proving that he was antichrist, and that the synagogue of Rome was Babylon.

To these is to be added Robert Gallus, who being born of a noble parentage, for devotion sake was made a dominican friar about the year A.D. 1290. This man calls the pope an idol, who having eyes sees not, neither desires to see the abominations of his people, nor the excessive enormity of their licentiousness, but only to see to the heaping up of his own treasure.

It is time that we return to our own country again. Wherein following the course of time, we will now add the bishop of Lincoln, named Robert Grosthead, a man famously learned in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and in

tant.

all liberal sciences; his works and sermons are yet exHe was a man of excellent wisdom, of profound doctrine, and an example of all virtue. He set forth many books concerning philosophy. Afterward being doctor in divinity, he drew out several treatises out of the Hebrew glosses, and translated divers works out of the Greek. Many other works and volumes besides were written by Grosthead.

This godly and learned bishop, after many conflicts sustained against the bishop of Rome, at length, after great labour and trouble of life, finished his course A.D. 1253. Of his decease Matthew Paris thus writes, (fol. 278):"Out of the prison and banishment of this world (which he never loved) was taken the holy bishop of Lincoln, Robert; who was an open reprover of the pope and of the king, a rebuker of the prelates, a corrector of the monks, a director of the priests, an instructor of the clerks, a favourer of scholars, a preacher to the people, a persecutor of the incontinent, a diligent searcher of the scripture, a mallet against the Romans, and a contemner of their doings, &c. What a mallet he was to the Romans in the sequel shall better appear.

Pope Innocent had a certain cousin or nephew (so popes were wont to call their sons) named Frederick, being yet young and under years, whom Innocent would needs prefer to be a canon or prebendary in the church of Lincoln, in the time of Robert bishop of that church; and he directed letters to certain here in England for the execution thereof.

It is no great wonder if this godly bishop Robert Grosthead was offended with these letters; he deserves a double commendation, in that he was so firm and constant in standing against the pope, according as his answer to the pope appears, wherein he denounces the pope's attempt to appoint one who would not be a true pastor, saying, among other things

"This would be a great apostasy, corruption, and abuse of the seat and fulness of power, and an utter separation from the glorious throne of our Lord Jesus Christ, and a near approach to the two principal princes of darkness, sitting in the chair of pestilence, prepared for the pains of hell (i. e. Lucifer and antichrist). Neither can any man, who is faithful to the see, obey with sincere and unspotted conscience such precepts and commandments, or other such attempts, even though proceeding from the high order of angels themselves, but rather ought with all their strength to withstand and rebel against them. Wherefore, my reverend lord, I, like an obedient child, upon my bounden duty of obedience and fidelity which I owe to the holy and apostolic see, and partly for love of unity in the body of Christ, do not obey but withstand and utterly rebel against these things contained in the letter, and which especially urge and tend to the aforesaid wickedness, so abominable to the Lord Jesus Christ, so repugnant to the holiness of the holy apostolic see, and so contrary to the unity of the catholic faith."

Then it follows, in the history both of Matthew Paris, and of Florilegus, in these words:

"That when this epistle came to the knowledge of the pope, he, fuming and fretting with anger and indignation, answered with a fierce look and proud mind, saying, What old doting frantic wretch is this, so boldly and rashly to judge of my doings? By St. Peter and Paul, were it not but that we are restrained by our own clemency and good nature, we would hurl him down to such confusion, that we would make him, a fable, a gazingstock, an example and wonderment to all the world. For is not the king of England our vassal ? and, to say more, our errand-boy or page, who may at our pleasure and beck both hamper him, imprison him, and put him to utter shame? When the pope in his great fury and rage had uttered this among his brethren the cardinals, they were scarce able to appease his furious violence."

Not long after this, this reverend and godly Robert, bishop of Lincoln, fell grievously sick, and within a few days departed. In the time of his sickness he called to him a certain friar of the preaching order, a man expert and cunning both in physic and divinity, partly to receive of him some comfort of his body, and partly to