A description of a dream of Giselda appears to us so beautiful in its way, that we shall, at least, present our readers with some part of it. Giselda, returning under the care of Pagano to the city of Jerusalem, begins to feel the effects of extreme thirst, and both she and her guide at length stop to repose themselves :—

Here Tasso has been extolled by some, even above what the occasion warrants, for though the lines are doubtless very fine, and the application of the image appropriate, both to the time and circumstances, the original idea belongs to Dante. Maestro Adamo, tormented by thirst, on perceiving Virgil and Dante journeying through hell at their pleasure, addresses them in the following lines, than which Dante himself produced few better. O ye, who in this world of misery,

Here, unfortunately, the romanticismo mounts into the poet's brain, and leads him to represent Giselda as listening to the voice of her deceased lover, who is sent to perdition because she was not in time to baptize him. She next imagines that she falls into a torrent of scalding lava, and that then she is given to drink 'Vessels of lead all liquefied--and pitch,'

along with other revolting ideas of the same kind. At length he ceases to speak of Giselda, in order to dwell upon the sufferings of the camp. This, however, is at the expense of the interest we feel in Giselda; and what is worse, he goes on to describe circumstances wholly of a burlesque character. For instance, there is one relating to a certain enchantment, borrowed from some old Milanese (but not Lombard) superstition, which belongs to the middle ages.* * Another relates to Pirro, who, arriving at the camp with a skin filled with water, is assailed by a number of the thirsty soldiers: he is killed, his water-skin pierced, and all the water spilt to no purpose. At length the Siloe is filled with water, though too late to save Giselda, who unluckily is already deprived of the power of deglutition, and she, of course, dies of thirst. Certainly, he could hardly have allotted his heroine a more excruciating kind of death, or more militating against the feelings.

This superstitious practice is recorded by Decembrio; cited by the indefatigable Muratori, in his Dissert, 59-Antiquit. Ital. M. Æ., t. v. p. 74. Signor Grossi has evidently translated Decembrio.

This, however, the poet contrives, in part, to make us forget, by interspersing the account with many pleasing passages, while his heroine dies with a smile playing upon her lips, and a last ray of peace diffused over her calm brow.

Here follows the last stanza

:

of Canto xii., which describes the death of Giselda :-
Just then with lively hope all animate,
She fixed her eyes on heaven with one last
look,

And so expired: too short her beauty's date,
Which, lingering yet on her fair features,
took

The fancy captive. Still the lily sat

Upon her cheek. Her lips that smile for

sook

Not yet. On her calm brow lay peace enshrined

And shed a halo round that throne of mind.

Allor di speme vivida atteggiata

L'ultimo sguardo al ciel tenendo fiso
Spirava, e intanto alla bellezza usata
Ricomponeasi a poco a poco il viso:
E' una neve la guancia delicata;
Sta sulle labbra immobili il sorriso,
E per la fronte che serena tace
Lieve un raggio diffondesi di pace.

In the duel between Pirro and Arvino, Signor Grossi suddenly forgets his historical authorities, which present no instance of formal duelling-a practice never permitted among the crusaders; for the God's truce' obliterated all existing quarrels and animosities. A large portion of the details is wholly incredible, and the greater part is copied from other poets. There is only one circumstance which it is here our intention to notice. Pirro is stated as the victor, though it is doubtful whether he did not succeed by necromancy, as he threw a girdle, supposed by the spectators to have been charmed, into Arvino's face. One reason for our noticing this circumstance is, that it affords occasion for speaking of a charge brought against Tasso, by two elegant writers, intended to show that this great poet failed, in point of costume, in an important part of his poem; or, in other words, in regard to the machinery of his work. This we do in the note below.* When

6

It is generally known that the machinery of the ' Jerusalem Delivered' has subjected the author to many grievous charges. If we peruse these criticisms, and compare them with the poet's works, we shall be compelled to admit the truth of all that the latter wrote concerning his critics to his friend Ardizio: Perhaps there was no objection they could bring against me which I had not already anticipated, and concerning which I had not either written or spoken.' We are desirous of giving here also the opinion of Tasso respecting the use of the marvellous in an epic poem, because it appears that nothing can be more conclusive, after all that has been written upon the subject, and because his prose writings and letters have been too much neglected by critics of the 'Jerusalem Delivered.' It would be a gigantic, though extremely useful undertaking, to illustrate such a poem in a critical and historical manner. In speaking generally of the marvellous, as applying to the epic, Tasso has observed: "Yet, though I would confine the epic poet to a constant observing of the probable, I would, at the same time, not debar him from employing the marvellous; on the contrary, I am of opinion, that one and the same action may at once partake of the marvellous and the probable; and there are many methods. I believe, of uniting these very discordant qualities. The poet, for instance, may attribute certain operations, altogether beyond human performance, to the deity, to angels, and to demons, as well as to those to whom may be

delegated

When he describes, however, Pagano's state of mind as he is in the act of bearing Gulfiero, still insensible after his fall, into the

delegated this supernatural power by the Deity, or by demons. Now such are the saints, the magicians, and the fairies. And these operations, if considered in themselves, will appear wonderful, or rather miraculous, in the common acceptation of the term. These too, if we take into consideration the virtue and power of their employer, will be judged as probable, because mankind having imbibed this opinion in their infancy, it is afterwards confirmed by religious instruction; namely, that God, his ministers, demons, and magicians, he permitting, may be enabled to perform supernatural actions. And as mankind is every day in the habit of hearing new examples of it, that cannot appear to them at all improbable, which they believe not only to be possible, but that it has already many times occurred, and may do so again. So likewise by the ancients, who lived under a false religion, the miraculous actions attributed to their deities, both by poets and by historians, were never esteemed improbable. Moreover, though men of science might consider them (as they were) impossible, yet the poet might in this, as in many other cases, depart from exact truth, to follow popular opinion.a

Such is the language of this poet, when treating of a general principle. Speaking of his own poem, and of the character of the marvellous which he has introduced into it, in a letter, dated 17th September, 1575, addressed to Scipioni Gonzaga, afterwards Patriarch of Jerusalem, he thus writes: The poets represent things either as they are, or were; as they are in possibility, or as they ought to be, or as they appear, and are so declared and believed to be. These words, or such as these, are to be found in Aristotle. Now, under the third head of this division, will the whole of the marvellous be perfectly included, and defended from every unjust attack; insomuch that it seems superfluous to inquire how far the power of the magician's art may be allowed to extend. It is sufficient to know to what degree it is countenanced by popular opinion (for the poet speaks often according to the popular mode, and writes to the people). Since, therefore, men who are not theologians, conceive the power of demons to be greater than it really is, as also the efficacy of the magical art, the poets who flourished before us were permitted, with an easy conscience, to follow the popular opinion. If then I can boast so many examples, why should I longer remain in doubt? Let, then, Signor Flaminio, and also you, my esteemed Sir, throw off the character of the theologian, and assume one of a more popular description. Then you may moot the doubt, and leave me the care of replying; and if you start the doubt against me, why do you not do the same against Homer and Apollonius? For not even theologians attributed omnipotence to their magicians.'b

Two passages there are, doubtless, which have been regarded even by liberal and sound judges as a decided abuse of the marvellous. One of them is to be met with in C. viii. st. 39, when the poet speaks of the sudden appearance of a sepulchre, in which was inclosed the body of Sveno; the other in C. x. st. 66, in which he relates the metamorphosis of some knights into the shape of fish, through the magical arts of Armida. Not one, however, among Tasso's friends, much less among his enemies, was ever so considerate as to observe that it was his fixed intention to strike out these objectionable passages from his poem. In a letter dated 30th March, 1576, he writes to S. Silvio Antoniani, as follows: 'I intend to erase from my poem, not only several stanzas considered as too amatory, but also some portion of the miracles and enchantments; so that neither the metamorphosis of the knights into fishes will be suffered to remain, nor that miraculous appearance of the sepulchre, truly too singular in itself; nor also that other metamorphosis of the eagle, nor Rinaldo's vision, both in the same canto.'

Two elegant French writers, M. Michaud, in his History of the Crusades,' and M. Ginguené, in his 'Literary History of Italy,' have likewise brought a charge against Tasso, which, if substantiated, would, indeed, redound to his discredit. They assert that he has attributed to the Crusaders a belief in magic contrary to the fact. 'Ideas of magic did not obtain until some period subsequent to them (viz. the Crusades) in the course of the 15th and 16th centuries.' These are the words of Michaud. Ginguené a Opere di Torq. Tasso (edition of Venice), vol. v. p. 492.

b Tasso Op., vol. i. p. 120.

borrowed

the cavern, and the objects around them, his language is ex

tremely noble and poetical:

The shades of night, meanwhile, come stealing slow

Round the deep-sounding cliffs in thickening gloom,

While numerous fires, at distance, 'gan to glow

Along the hills, which scatter'd bands illume, Glared from the heights upon th' abyss below,

In dark and sullen grandeur, yielding some Brief bursts of light to guide the hermit's way

Through clouds and mist that on the valleys
lay.

Mid the deep silence of the night he hears
The mountain-torrents rushing on their way
From their eternal springs-then it appears
As if the tramp of troops-the wild dog's
bay,-

Mingled with pilgrim's holy lays and tears,
And shepherds' songs-all usher in the day.
He hears the burden of the alternate prayer
Each band takes up to show its pious care.
That long deep murmur, that wild harmony,
Sounds in his ears like voice of years gone
by.

Again he seems his native land to see-
His native land, long lost with many a sigh.
Meanwhile, the youth shows languid signs
that he

Still lives, and, hoping now he will not die,
The pious hermit feels a holy joy

To think that he has saved that gentle boy.

'Le tenebre frattanto eran discese
Pei burron risonanti, a poco a poco,
Ma i molti fochi che a rincontro accese
L'esercito sbandato in più d' un loco,
Facean dall' alto il nero antro palese,
Inviandovi un lume incerto e fioco
Che a traverso le nebbie della valle
Quel pietoso reggea per l' arduo calle.

Ei fra i silenzi della notte, fuore

Dal reboato assiduo del torrente,
A quando a quando uscir sente il fragore
D'una lontana innumerevol gente,
E gl' inni che notturna erge al signore
De' peregrin la turba penitente,
E de' pastori, e delle affrante schiere
L'assueto alternar delle preghiere.

Quel lungo mormorar, quell' armonia
All' orecchio di lui tant' anni muta,
Al pensier gli riduce la natìa
Terra diletta ch' egli avea perduta.
In tanto sospirar languido udìa
Risentito il garzon della caduta,
Ond' ei commosso a un senso è di segreta
Religiosa gioja irrequieta.

Yea

borrowed the assertion from Michaud; but this latter writer has not informed us on what authority he maintains that ideas of magic became prevalent only long after the period of the crusades. In the laws of Rotario, to say nothing of other documents, it is expressly laid down upon the subject of duels, that each combatant is bound to enter the arena without having recourse to the aid of charms. Precisely too, in the year 1098, which is that of the first Crusade, a duel took place, in which one of the combatants having flung an embroidered glove into his adversary's face, the spectators accused him, with loud cries, of employing magic. Here we have the original of Sig. Grossi's incident, when Pirro throws the girdle in Arvino's face, which was viewed as an act of sorcery; nor will any one doubt, after these two authorities, but that a general and popular belief in magic prevailed among the people in the time of the first crusade. That the Turks believed in it is an indisputable fact. Ismeno's appearance between two witches upon the walls for the purpose of directing his magical arts against Godfrey's tower, was suggested to Tasso by history. In fact, we find it related that, during the last assault, two witches came upon the walls to enchant the same tower; but a fragment of rock, which was hurled against the walls, crushed the magicians, and effectually destroyed their enchantments. Tasso, therefore, was justified in supposing, not only that the warriors whom he celebrated entertained a belief in it, but had he represented them otherwise, he would have described characters very different to those of the crusaders. It is curious to observe, that those who have been most eager to accuse Tasso of having adopted the supernatural machinery which he did, are the same who declare that he failed in preserving the costume of the times. So true it is, that these critics of the Italian epic are themselves so little acquainted with the real facts of history upon which they presume to decide.