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This apartment will be appropriated to the reception of antique statues, busts, vases, and bas-reliefs. In each of the side fronts is a gallery one hundred and twenty-three feet by twenty-nine, and having ten columns. The hall of Egyptian antiquities, and the corresponding one, on the opposite side of the vestibule, which is intended to receive bronzes, terra-cottas, and smaller pieces of sculpture, are of the same dimensions, viz., fifty-three feet by twenty-nine. These two last-mentioned apartments look into inner courts, situated one on each side of the rotunda. There are lesser rooms for the collection of coins, ancient gems, &c. The upper floor, which is arranged so as to form a continued series of galleries, will be entirely ap. propriated to paintings, and will contain, besides the principal pictures from the palaces of Berlin and Potzdam, the celebrated Giustiniani and Solly collections, the latter of which possesses a number of very fine and undoubted specimens of the early German schools. As the dome does not rise sufficiently above the roof to be rendered a prominent feature externally, the architect has inclosed it entirely by four walls, at the angles of which will be placed colossal groups of Dioscuri, with their horses. The mass of structure thus formed not only gives an importance to the centre of the building, and imparts an air of extraordinary dignity and grandeur to the whole, but corresponds with the general character of the architecture better than even a dome would; at least we cannot help thinking so, notwithstanding that we are strongly prepossessed in favour of those beautiful hemispherical forms. Both this building and the theatre are fully illustrated by a variety of plans, elevations, sections, perspective views, and plates of details: the letter-press descriptions, too, are very satisfactory, and far more complete than what we usually meet with in works of this nature where they are generally little more than mere references to the engravings.

Among the other subjects contained in this publication, are designs for the Wacht-gebaüde, or guard-house, at Berlin; a church in the Spittelmarkte, ditto; the engineer and artillery-school, ditto ; Schlosschen Tegel, a villa belonging to Baron von Humboldt; the villa of M. Behrends, the banker; a hunting-seat of Prince Radzivil, at Przygodzice; the pump-room at Aachen; and a design for a musical academy. The last-mentioned of these is, although on a small scale, inferior to none of the rest in originality and beauty. Exquisitely simple, and consisting but of very few features, it nevertheles displays so much character, something so peculiarly novel and attractive in its structure, such exquisite taste, that we know not whether we should not rather give it the preference to any of the other designs.

Bötticher, W. Dr. Geschichte der Chartager nach den Quellen bearbeitet.

Mit einer Karte. Berlin. 1827. Scipio shed tears on the ruins of Carthage, on the ashes of this once opulent, powerful, enterprising city. A mind less generous, less noble, would have rejoiced over the fallen fortunes of this dangerous rival of Rome; but Scipio, feeling how perishable human splendour and magnificence are, and how transient all glory and power, might be supposed to have been seized by a gloomy presentiment, that, after the lapse of some centuries, a similar fate would befall Rome. And surely Rome never had a greater enemy than that Cato, who pestered the senate with his Ego quidem censeo, Carthaginem esse delendam. From the destruction of Carthage, begins the decline of Rome.

If Greece distinguished itself chiefly by its splendid productions in arts and sciences, Rome by its persevering valour, and wisdom in legislation,

Carthage Carthage must be allowed to rank first for navigation and commerce, or it has to share its glory only with its ancestors, the Phænicians. The first naval battle which we know of in history, was fought between the Carthaginians and Etruscans on one side, and the Phoceans on the other, in the year 536 before Christ. The Carthaginians became, by their victory over the Phoceans, the first naval power in the Mediterranean ; they occupied Sardinia, and the present capital of Sardinia, Cagliari, is a colony of this people. They made a descent upon Sicily, where the Phoenicians had already settlements; Palermo (Panormus) was founded by the same nation. They got possession of the Balearic islands (Majorca and Minorca) and the Pytíuses : Melita (Malta) and Gaulos (Gozzo) offered to them convenient harbours, and staple places for their trade. They followed the Phænicians to Spain, and enriched themselves by its silver mines; in the ocean they occupied Madeira. They bought tin from the Britons, and gathered amber from the shores of the Baltic. Their commercial and colonial policy, their civil institutions, their economy, their religion, manners, and language, their naval expeditions, deserve our attention; and the unfortunate issue of their struggle with Rome cannot make us forget that Carthage has produced Annibal, the greatest warrior of the ancient world.

In the work before us, we possess, for the first time, something like a history of this nation. The first period of it begins with the foundation of Carthage till the wars with Syracuse, from 878-480; the second, from the beginning of the wars with Syracuse till the beginning of the wars with Rome, from 480-264 ; the third, brings the history down to the destruction of Carthage, 264-146 ; and a final chapter treats of the Roman Carthage, and its destruction by the Arabs 706 after Christ. All the materials have been most carefully collected, the authorities duly weighed, and the narrative is easy and fluent. We agree with the author that the story of Regulus having been put to death by the Carthaginians, is a fable, since he died, according to the testimony of Diodorus Siculus, a natural death, although otherwise we have no reason to give the Carthaginians much credit for their humanity; but we disbelieve the burning glasses of Archimedes, because the silence of Polybius is, upon this point, of greater weight than a positive assertion of Zonaras; and lastly, we must suppose, that the author has not seen the second edition of Niebuhr's history of Rome, or he would not have mentioned Laurentum instead of Aricia, among the towns which were included in the first commercial treaty between Rome and Carthage, in the year 509 before Christ. Tallmerayer, J. Ph. Geschichte des Kaiserthums von Trapezunt. Mun

chen, 1827. GIBBON and Ducange are the only historians who have given us some information about the empire of Trapezunt, and they even, have only skimmed the subject. The history of Trapezunt was considered, like the country itself, which is situated in the inmost recesses of the Euxine, dark and impenetrable; and all we have heard of its past magnificence, of its wealth, of the beauty of its females, such as they are extolled in the romances of the middle ages, was supposed to deserve little more credit than common Oriental tales. The author of this book, a professor of history at Landshut, and a pupil of the learned Professor Ast, the editor of Plato, has had the good fortune to meet, in the course of his historical researches, with the chronicle of Michael Panaretos, a Trapezuntian historiographer, which, together with the Greek manuscripts of Cardinal Bessarion, forms a part of the library of S. Marco, at Venice. This chronicle, of which Gibbon knew nothing, contains important information from the year 1204 till 1350, on YOL, I, NO. I. X

the the names, age, and reign of the emperors of Trapezunt, on their family con nexions, and wars, and on the revolutions which have taken place in the palace, and becomes still more rich in genealogical and chronological references, from the year 1350 till 1382. Without this chronicle, it would probably have been a hopeless task to write a history of Trapezunt. The author obtained also the support of Hase at Paris, of the royal library, who copied for him the journal of Eugenius, the nomophylax of Constantinople, who had made a journey to Trapezunt; and the celebrated S. de Sacy sent him extracts from the Persian historian Scherefeddin Ali. The author, an Oriental and Greek scholar himself, and versed in most modern languages, has done every thing to render his work complete and perfect.

Trapezunt is first spoken of by Xenophon, about 400 before Christ, and is mentioned as a splendid town in the time of Mithridates. The period of its foundation is unknown, but it was of Pelasgic origin. Trapezus in the Tauric Chersones, in Arcadia, and that on the Hellespont were colonies of this Caucasian Trapezunt. Pausanias, Arcad. 27, mentions that the Trapezuntians of Arcadia destroyed their town and returned to Trapezus in Pontus, when Epaminondas wanted to force them to come to the new built town of Megalopolis, in order to strengthen it against the Spartans, whose power he wished to break for ever. The Arcadians were well received in Pontus; Trapezus preserved its municipal freedom under the Romans, and Pliny calls it oppidum liberum, and Mela, urbem illustrem. It was a tourishing commercial town. Zosimus calls it πόλιν μεγάλης και πολυάνθρωπον. Conquered by the Goths in the time of P. Lic. Valerian, it lost its wealth and its freedom under Diocletian and Constantine, whence Amm. Marcellinus calls it only oppidum non obscurum.

Under Justinian it became a provincial town of the Pontic Eparchia, of which Neo-Cæsarea was the chief town, and its importance grew during the wars of the Byzantines with the Persians and Arabs. And afterwards it became the metropolis of the Thema (new name for Eparchia) of Chal. dia. The præfects of Trapezunt styled themselves princes in the 11th century. When the Seldschucks conquered nearly all Anatolia, and founded the empire of Iconium, Trapezunt maintained itself independent, until it was conquered by the famous queen of Georgia, Thamar. The death of the emperor Andronicus at Constantinople, (who by no means deserved the high praises bestowed upon him by our author,) brought his daughter, the prino es Alexisand David, and a number of other noble fugitives, to Trapezunt; and afterthe conquest of Constantinople by the Franks (1203), the prince Alexis made himself master of Trapezunt, and founded the dynasty of the Comnenes. Our author maintains that he assumed the title of emperor, or Businews, whilst Gibbon and Ducange, on the authority of Vincentius Belvacensis, Speculum Historiale ad annum 1240, assert, that before the Comnene John, 1274, the princes of Trapezunt were satisfied with the title of rúgos, Dominus. We confess that the evidence brought forward against Gibbon does not seem to us to be conclusive; for their not being acknowledged as emperors at Constantinople could not have prevented Join. ville, a Frenchman, about 1253, to call a prince of Trapezunt emperor, if they actually had assumed that title ; and as it cannot be denied that Alexis solicited the alliance of Baldwin and Henry of Flanders against Lascaris of Nicæa, it may be supposed that he would not have assumed a title which would evidently have displeased them. In general, we believe, a historian ought to hesitate before he contradicts positive contemporary évidence. But Gibbon is certainly wrong in maintaining that the title Μίγα-κομνηνός was derived from the stature of Alexis. The conquests of the Trapezuntian princes in Anatolia were soon lost.


Protected as the Trapezuntians were by high, rugged, and inaccessible mountains, they remained unmolested during the first invasion of the Mongols, 1263 ; but our author shows against Gibbon, from a letter in Marini Sanuti, Vite dei Duchi di Venezia, which had escaped Gibbon, that Manuel, emperor of Trapezunt, was obliged, 1402, to do homage to Timur in person, and to furnish twenty vessels for the war against Bajazet. During this time Trapezunt had become a flourishing commercial town, although the Turkmann emirs of Sinope sometimes rendered the navigation in the Euxine sea insecure. These emirs of Sinope did at that time in the Black Sea what Algiers and Tunis still practise in the Mediterranean. A Genoese, and afterwards a Venetian factory at Trapezunt carried on a success. ful trade with India. Trapezunt was then the staple place, the centre of commerce between the orient and the occident. The costly merchandise of the countries of Asia to the east of the Black Sea, to India and China, were heaped up in the magazines and the bazars of Trapezunt. The vessels of all the western nations appeared on their coasts, for the purposes of exchange and traffic ; gold stuffs from Bagdad and Cairo, silk and cotton manufactures from India and Sina (one' vipata TÊ Ess@v), pearls and gems from Golconda and Ceylon, cloth from Cilicia, Flanders, and Italy, glass and steel. manufactures from Germany, hemp and honey from Mingrelia, wheat from the Tauric Chersonesus, scarlet from Florence, and, in short, the produce of art and labour of Pisa, Florence, and Venice filled the markets of Trapezunt. The concourse of strangers was immense; a great number settled there, and all languages, costumes, and religions of the trading nations of Europe and Asia, together with those of the natives, could, according to Bessarion, be distinguished at Trapezunt. Between 1458-62 the Trapezuntian empire was destroyed by Mahomed II. shortly after the conquest of Constantinople. It lasted about 258 years. Its history is, on the whole, only a fac-simile of the history of the Byzantine empire. The Trapezuntians spoke Greek with great elegance, as they conceived, and this was their chief merit ; for a bigoted degenerated people, weak voluptuous princes, a turbulent, ambitious, ignorant clergy, were seated in a terrestrial paradise, among groves of lemons and olives, in the shade of cypresses, amidst the luxuriance of vines and flowers, resounding with the sweet lay of the nightingales. The vine and the cherry-tree were brought from this country to Europe; Kerasus was the second town of the empire. The mild climate, the mountain air, and the cool transparent water produced that fine Caucasian blood, which rendered the beauty of the Trapezuntian princesses so celebrated that the palace of the Grand-Comnenes was often filled with enamoured suitors from Constantinople and all parts of Asia, and Servia, and Mitylene.

The author combines with profound historical researches a lively spirited style, and enters into many interesting details, especially with reference to commerce, and shows at the same time that he has contemplated history with the mind of a philosopher. • (The narrative of our author differs in some points from that in Hammer's History of the Osmanic Empire, vol. ii., p. 58.) Hammer, J.v. Geschichte der Osmannischen Reiches. Erster und Zweiter

Band. Von der Gründung der Osmannischen Reiches bis zur Eroberung

von Constantinopel, 1300-1453. Pest. 1827. It is superfluous to allude, during the present state of affairs in the East, to the importance of this work. It may also be acknowledged, that no European is better qualified to write a history of the Turkish empire than Hammer. For the last thirty years he has been occupied in collecting the



materials for this work, Whilst our great Oriental scholar Sir William Jones confessed that he knew but a dozen works relating to Turkish history; whilst the public libraries themselves at Constantinople contain hardly more than two dozen of them, our author has either bought, or made use of two hundred Turkish, Arabic, and Persian works, which describe the whole period or a portion of Turkish history. The author has been twice at Constantinople (attached to the Austrian embassy), has travelled in the Levant, visited carefully the libraries and book-stalls, and carried on a correspondence since with Constantinople, Bagdad, Haleb, and Cairo, for the purpose of enriching his stock of materials for this work. He has besides availed himself of the libraries of Vienna, Berlin, Dresden, Cambridge, Oxford, Paris, Venice, Florence, Naples, Rome, and Bologna. Among his numerous publications on Turkey, the work on the constitution and administration of the Osmanic empire (Des Osmanischen Reiches Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung, Wien, 1815), has sufficiently proved how well Hammer has prepared himself for this great work. It must also be recollected, that the two European powers which have been for centuries struggling against Turkey were Austria and the Republic of Venice, and that the archives of these two states must, in consequence, possess the most important materials concerning the history of Turkey. Is it not surprising, when Turkey approaches the most dreadful crisis, that these two powers (we beg Austria's pardon for calling Venice a power) should remain passive spectators, or act only in favour of Turkey? The preface is followed by a long list of the Oriental works, documents, &c.; of the genealogical or chronological maps, which the author has had the use of. The present volume itself embraces the history of the Osmanic empire from its foundation till the conquest of Constantinople ; at the end are given explanatory notes with reference to the authorities; after these, genealogical tables of the Osmans, and the whole is accompanied by a small map representing the Turkish empire in its embryon state in Asia Minor. We shall not enter, for the present, into the particulars of the work, as we may, perhaps, in a future number, give a detailed account of it.

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Kruse, D. F. C. H. Hellas, oder Geographisch-antiquarische Darstellung

des alten Griechenlandes und seiner Colonien, fc. Mit Kupfern und Charten. Leipzig, Erster Theil, 1825. 2tes Theil, 1ste Abtheilung, 1826.

2tes Theil, 2te Abtheilung, 1827. This Work really deserves a more detailed account than we can here afford, for it is unquestionably the most useful work which we posses on the geography of Greece. The author, professor of history and geography at Halle, deserves great credit for its plan and execution. It contains an immense mass of valuable information, collected not only from ancient writers, but also from modern travellers and geographers, as Stuart, Dodwell, Gell, Leake, Hobhouse, Holland, &c. We are glad to remark that he generally follows the best authorities, as Leake and Gell, and that, very judiciously, he refers to Pouqueville in a subsidiary way only. Some inaccuracies will naturally slip into a work of such an extent, especially where he had Pouqueville for his only guide. Thus Lidoriki, which lies on the road from Amphissa to Calydon, about eight leagues from Amphissa S. W., falls, in Kruse's map, to the north of Amphissa. On the road from Distomo to Delphi we miss on the map the village of Arachova. Ambryssos, now called Distomo, or better Dystomo, from duo and otopa, from the two orifices of an excellent fountain at the place, lies to the N. W. of Stiria. His reasons for putting the town of Sumnium to the east of the Cape, what no geographer has done before him, have failed


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