issued by the same plenipotentiaries, had settled the territories of several German princes, with reference to the cessions made by France, and to the system of defence of the German confederation, and after the way in which the resolutions of the congress of Vienna were to be ratified, and the accession of other powers to it was to take place, had been agreed upon. Besides this chief treaty, several other measures were determined upon at this congress; for instance, the convention of Aug. 2, 1815, relating to the guard to be kept over Napoleon; the definitive treaty of Nov. 5, 1815, which placed the Ionian islands, as a confederacy, under the exclusive protection of Great Britain; the treaty of neutrality of Switzerland, Nov. 20, 1815, which was also signed by France; the treaty of alliance between the four powers of the same date, by which they pledged themselves to assist each other in maintaining the new political system, for which reason they were to occupy France, for some years, with an army of 150,000 men. After the conclusion of the congress at Paris, 12 more particular treaties between different powers were concluded in 1816, 1817 and 1818, concerning partly the new settlement of the territorial relations, partly the payments which France was obliged to make, the restoration of Parma to the Spanish infanta, duchess of Lucca, and the abolition of the slave-trade. 3. For the completion of the work of the monarchs, it was still necessary to provide for a full reconciliation with France, by the withdrawal of the army, composed of English, Austrian, Russian, Prussian, and other German troops. It was determined upon at the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle (q. v.), in October and November, 1818, chiefly by the mediation of Wellington, after France had completed the payment of certain sums, to which she had obliged herself. The most important consequence of this congress was the accession of the French sovereign to the alliance of the four great powers. The five powers then published, at Aix-la-Chapelle, the famous declaration of Nov. 15, 1820, which, in the spirit of the holy alliance (q. v.), pronounced the principles that were to regulate, in future, the politics of Europe, the aim of which was to be a lasting peace. The work of Stourdza (a Russian civil officer; see Stourdza), Mémoire sur l'État actuel de l'Allemagne, published during the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, excited the suspicions of the monarchs against the liberal spirit in Germany, which they had themselves inflamed by different kinds

of promises and excitements of the national feeling, when they wished to avail themselves of its aid for the purpose of subduing Napoleon, but which they now dreaded in the same degree, as they were unwilling to fulfil their promises, and the just demands of the nations and the age. Unfortunately, the rash acts of two German youths (one of them, the celebrated Sand, killed Kotzebue; the other, Löhning, attempted to kill a president of the government of Nassau) afforded the German governments the occasion which they desired for the enforcement of illiberal measures. These were determined upon at the congress of Carlsbad (q. v.), which was assembled, partly for this purpose, partly for supplying some deficiences in the acts of the congress of Vienna, relative to the internal organization of Germany. 5. Soon after this congress, another, composed of ministers, assembled at Vienna, Nov. 25, 1819, where Metternich presided. The doings of this congress had reference entirely to the organization of the German confederation, and the suppression of the liberal spirit in Germany. Their final act was signed May 15, 1820. The three following congresses, at Troppau, Laybach and Verona, concerned the affairs of Europe in general. 6. The congress at Troppau (q. v.) lasted from October to December, 1820. The congress was held on account of the revolutions in Spain and Portugal, and was transferred to Laybach, when the revolution of Naples broke out. 7. The right of interfering in the internal affairs of other nations, agreed upon at Troppau, was, in 1821, diplomatically admitted into the international code of the European continental powers at the congress of Laybach. The consequences of the congress at Laybach, from whence the allied powers issued a proclamation against Naples, were the occupation of Naples, Sicily and Piedmont, by Austrian armies; the abolition of the Spanish constitution in these countries, and the restoration of the old order of things. (See Naples, Sicily and Piedmont, Revolutions of.) If Austria had not succeeded, a Russian army of 80,000 men, which had already begun to march towards Hungary, would have entered Italy. After the Austrians had acquired their object in Naples and Piedmont, the two emperors concluded the congress of Laybach by a proclamation, signed by the ministers of Austria, Prussia and Russia, May 12, 1821, in which they declared that the justice and disinterestedness, which had guided the councils of the monarchs, would always

be the rule of their politics. This congress is also famous for a speech of the emperor of Austria to the professors of a public seminary at Laybach, in which he directed them to be careful not to teach their pupils too much; he did not want learned or scientific men, but obedient subjects. 8. The two emperors had determined, at Laybach, to hold a new congress, in 1822, at Florence. Verona was afterwards substituted for Florence, and a congress held there from Oct. to Dec., 1822, on account of Spain and Portugal, and the political state of Italy and Greece. The war of France against Spain, in 1823, was a consequence of this congress, which was remarkable for the spirit displayed by the duke of Wellington-the same which prevailed in the English ministry from the appointment of Canning to the secretariship of foreign affairs (Sept. 16, 1822). The duke, the English minister at Verona, opposed the undertaking any measure against the Spaniards, as long as they left their king unmolested, and did not labor to extend their constitution beyond their borders. As respected Turkey and Greece also, England wished for no interference of the other powers, but to leave them to themselves.-In America, only one international congress has been held, and that of little importance. It was called the congress of Panama. The project of a general union of the new Spanish American republics was early conceived by different leaders of the revolution. The first attempt to carry this plan into execution was made by Bolivar, in 1823. As president of the republic of Colombia, he invited the governments of Mexico, Peru, Chile and Buenos Ayres, to send delegates to the isthmus of Panama, or wherever they should think proper, to constitute a congress with full powers to treat of matters of general interest to the republics. Mexico and Peru immediately acceded to the proposal, but Buenos Ayres and Chile showed no inclination to take part in the congress. In Dec., 1824, Bolivar sent a circular to each of the governments, recapitulating what had already been done, and proposing that the meeting should take place. Accordingly, in June, 1826, the delegates from Colombia, Mexico, Peru and Guatemala assembled at Panama; Chile and Buenos Ayres still holding back, it is said, in consequence of suspicions of an ambitious scheme of Bolivar to incorporate the four S. American republics into an empire, of which he was to occupy the throne. The declaration of the U. States of N. America, in 1825,

that they would permit no ulterior colonization in any part of the continent by European powers; that they should consider any attempt on the part of those powers to extend the system of national interference to any portion of this hemisphere dangerous to their peace and safety; and that any interposition, by any European power, for the purpose of controlling, in any manner, the governments of America which had established their independence, would be considered as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the U. States, led the South American states to invite this republic to join in the general confederation. Ministers to the congress were, in fact, appointed; but, before their arrival, the congress had adjourned (after concluding a treaty of friendship and perpetual confederation) to the succeeding February. The place appointed for the new session, which has never taken place, was the village of Tacubaya, near Mexico. The three great points held out by the originators of this plan were, the independence, peace and security of the Spanish American republics. The congress was intended to form a permanent council, to serve as a bond of union against common dangers, to interpret the treaties between the states, and mediate in all disputes; it was further an object, particularly with the U. States, to settle, through this body, disputed principles of international law, to abolish usages of war inconsistent with the spirit of the age, and to imbody the principles of American republicanism in an imposing form, in opposition to the doctrines of the European alliance of kings.

CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. The national legislature of the U. States of America is designated, in the constitution of the general government, by this title. It consists of a senate and a house of representatives, each constituting a distinct and independent branch. The house of representatives is composed of members chosen every second year, by the people of the several states; and the voters or electors are required to have the same qualifications as are requisite for choosing the members of the most numerous branch of the state legislature of the state in which they vote. The representatives are apportioned among the several states according to their respective population; and, in estimating the population, three-fifths of the slaves are added to the whole number of free persons. A census of the population is taken once in every ten years, and an apportionment is then made of the representatives for each state. The representa

tives are then elected in each state, either in districts, or by a general ticket, as the state legislature directs. There cannot be more than 1 representative for every 30,000 persons. The present apportionment is 1 representative for every 40,000 persons. Each state, however small may be its population, is entitled to at least 1 representative. No person can be a representative who shall not have attained the age of 25 years, and have been 7 years a citizen of the U. States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen. No other qualifications are required. When vacancies happen in the representation of any state, by death, resignation, or otherwise, new writs of election are issued by the executive thereof to fill the vacancy. The house of representatives chooses its own speaker and other officers, and possesses the sole power of impeachment. Each representative has a single vote.The senate of the United States is composed of 2 senators from each state; and, there being 24 states, the senate now consists of 48 members. The senators of each state are chosen by the legislature of the state for six years, and each senator has one vote. They are divided into three classes, so that one third thereof is, or may be, changed by a new election every second year. When vacancies happen, they are supplied by the state legislature, if in session; if not, the state executive makes a temporary appointment until the legislature meets. No person can be a senator who is not 30 years of age, and has not been 9 years a citizen of the U. States, and is not, when elected, an inhabitant of the state for which he is chosen. The vicepresident is, ex officio, president of the senate; but he has no vote unless they be equally divided. The senate chooses all its other officers, and a president, pro tempore, in the absence of the vice-president, or when he exercises the office of president of the U. States. The senate has the sole power of trying all impeachments; and, when sitting for this purpose, the senators take an oath or affirmation. If the president of the U. States should be impeached, the chief-justice is to preside. A conviction on impeachment cannot be without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present. The judgment extends only to a removal from office and future disqualification for office. But the party is, nevertheless, liable to punishment on indictment, by the common trial and course of law. The times, places and manner of holding elections

for senators and representatives, are appointed by the state legislatures; but the congress may, by law, fix and alter the time and manner of holding such elections. Each of the two houses, viz., the senate and representatives, is the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members. Each house determines the rules of its own proceedings, and has power to punish its members for disorderly conduct, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, to expel a member. A majority of each house constitutes a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and has power to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner as it may provide. Each house is required to keep a journal of its proceedings, and, from time to time, to publish the same, excepting such parts as, in its judgment, may require secrecy. In point of fact, they are published every day or two, during the session, and collected in volumes at the end thereof. The yeas and nays of the members of each house, on any question, are required, at the desire of one fifth of those present, to be entered on the journal. The congress is required to assemble at least once every year; and such meeting is on the first Monday of December annually, unless a different day is provided by law. The president of the U. States has authority to convene extra sessions. Neither house, during the session of congress, can, without the consent of the other, adjourn more than 3 days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. In case of disagreement between the two houses, as to the time of adjournment, the president of the U. States may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper. The senators and representatives are entitled to receive a compensation, provided by law, for their services, from the treasury of the U. States. They are also privileged from arrests, except in cases of treason, felony, or breaches of the peace, during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and in going to and returning from the same. This does not mean merely their daily attendance; but, also, in going from or returning to their respective homes, in the several states. They have liberty of speech, and are not liable to be questioned, in any other place, for any speech or debate in either house. No senator or representative can be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the U. States, which is created, or its emoluments increased, during the

time for which he is elected; and no person, holding an office under the U. States, can be a member of either house during his continuance in office. It has been already stated, that each house determines the rules of its own proceedings; and, in point of fact, each house now has a large collection of rules, which are printed for the use of the members, and for the public at large. In a general sense, the rules and practice of the British house of commons form the basis of their proceedings, modified from time to time, as each house deems fit. The rules are too numerous to admit of any useful summary in this place. There are, however, certain constitutional provisions, as to the proceedings of the two houses, which deserve to be mentioned. All bills for raising revenue must originate in the house of representatives; but the senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on other bills. Every bill which has passed the senate and house of representatives, before it can become a law, must be presented to the president of the U. States. If he approve, he signs it; if not, he returns it to the house in which it originated, with his objections, and these objections are entered at large on their journals, and they then proceed to reconsider. If, upon reconsideration, two thirds of such house agree to pass the bill, it is sent, with the objections, to the other house, by which it is also to be reconsidered; and, if approved by two thirds of that house also, it becomes a law. But in all such cases, the votes of both houses are determined by yeas and nays, and the names entered on the journals. No instance has, as yet, occurred, in which any bill, returned by the president with objections, has ever become a law by a vote of two thirds of each house. If any bill is not returned by the president within 10 days (Sundays excepted) after it is presented to him, it becomes a law, in the same way as if he had signed it, unless congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return. Every order, resolution or vote, to which the concurrence of both houses is necessary, must, in like manner, be presented to the president, and similar proceedings are to be had thereon. The legislative powers belonging to congress will now be stated, in the words of the constitution itself, since different modes of interpretation of the same language have, at different times, been insisted on by different parties in the U. States. Congress, then, by the constitution, has power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the

debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the U. States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the U. States:-to borrow money on the credit of the U. States:to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes:-to establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcy throughout the U. States:-to coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coins, and to fix the standard of weights and measures:-to provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the U. States:--to establish

post-offices and post-roads:-to promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries:-to constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court:-to define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations:-to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land or water:-to raise and support armies; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years:-to provide and maintain a navy:-to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces:-to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions: -to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the U. States, reserving to the states, respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by congress:-to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district, not exceeding 10 miles square, as may by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of congress, become the seat of the government of the U. States; and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings;-and "to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into effect the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the U. States, or in any department or office thereof."-Congress has also power to organize the supreme court, and to ordain

and establish, from time to time, inferior courts. In some cases, the original jurisdiction of the supreme court is expressly given in the constitution; but its appellate jurisdiction is under the regulation of congress. Congress has, in other cases, an unlimited authority, as to the jurisdiction which shall be vested in other inferior courts, to which the judicial power given by the constitution extends. Congress has also power to declare the punishment of treason; but no attainder works any corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except for the life of the person attainted. The crime of treason is expressly defined, by the constitution, to consist in levying war against the U. States, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. Congress has also power to prescribe, by general laws, the manner in which the public acts, records and judicial proceedings of the states shall be proved, and the effect thereof, the constitution declaring that full faith and credit shall be given in each state to them. Congress has also power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the U. States; and also to admit new states into the union; and also to propose, by a majority of two thirds of both houses, amendments to the constitution; or, on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several states, to call a convention for proposing amendments. But such amendments, to be binding, must be ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the states, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode may be proposed by congress. But no state, without its consent, can be deprived of its equal suffrage in the senate. There are also certain restrictions upon the powers of congress; the most material of which are, that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety require it. No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration before taken. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one state over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to or from one state be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account

of all receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. No title of nobility shall be granted by the U. States; and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of congress, accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever from any king, prince, or foreign state. These restrictions are found in the original constitution. Certain other restrictions and rights are secured by amendments made soon after the constitution was adopted. Among the most material are these:-Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for a redress of grievances. The right also is secured to the people to bear arms, to be free from having soldiers quartered upon them in time of peace, or in war in any other manner than prescribed by law :-to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, and to be liable to search and seizure only upon warrants upon probable cause supported by oath or affirmation; to answer for capital or otherwise infamous crimes only upon a presentment or indictment of a grand jury:-to be exempted from being twice put in jeopardy of life or limb for the same offence; not to be compelled, in any criminal case, to be witness against themselves; nor to be deprived of life, libcrty or property, without due process of law; nor to have private property taken for public use, without just compensation. In criminal prosecutions, too, the accused enjoys the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the state or district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law; and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy exceeds $20, the right of a trial by jury is preserved. And no fact tried by a jury is to be otherwise reexamined in any court of the U. States, than according to the rules of the common law. Excessive bail is not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel or unusual punishments inflicted. The enumeration in the constitution of certain rights is not to