Lord Liverpool, who had filled the office | ing, and could not in any case have been of first minister of the crown for fifteen much longer delayed. It broke up the old years, was not possessed either of great Tory party and prepared the way for the abilities or attainments. His disposition vast changes which in no long time took was not energetic or warm; he did not place, both in the domestic and foreign cultivate the friendship even of his col- policy of our country. leagues; and, as might have been expected, when he was suddenly struck down, it was remarked how little any body appeared to care about the man. But his abilities were at the time considerably underrated, overshadowed as he was by Canning, Eldon, and Wellington. He was diligent and upright, had a sound judgment, a good deal of facility in debate, and a talent, as rare as it is useful, of harmonizing the discordant elements of which his Cabinet was composed, and inducing them to work in unison. He so managed matters as to keep all points of difference in the back-ground and all points of agreement in the fore-ground. His knowledge of financial affairs was extensive and accurate; he was at one with Huskisson, Robinson, and Canning in regard to their commercial policy, and at the time of his death he was engaged in preparing a plan for the modification of the corn laws. But he was nervously apprehensive of a violent opposition from the obstructionists in his own Cabinet and in Parliament, and shrunk from innovations which would provoke their hostility. Though he acted with the Lord Chancellor and the other bigoted antiCatholic members of the Government, he was personally quite free from bigotry; and his opposition to the claims of the Roman Catholics was based, not on religious, but on purely political grounds. He looked on the question as one to be decided by expediency. He foresaw that its settlement could not be much longer postponed, and he had made up his mind to retire from office in order that it might be settled by statesmen who had throughout consistently advocated the repeal of Roman Catholic disabilities on grounds both of justice and sound policy. The termination of his Ministry brought about a crisis which had long been impend

The illness of Lord Liverpool produced. great anxiety among the extreme Tory party. They had of late complained bitterly that they had been committed to a policy of which they entirely disapproved, and the disunion between them and the section headed by Canning continued to increase after the removal of their connecting link. Their supporters in the House of Commons fully coincided with their views, and they went so far in their dislike to what they termed a 'see-saw' government as to hint that a purely Protestant cabinet should now be formed, and that Peel should replace Canning as leader of the Commons. This proposal was, of course, utterly preposterous; but that it should ever have been entertained shows how blind the party were to the signs of the times. Canning, whom they both feared and distrusted, was at this time lying seriously ill at Brighton; and it was properly resolved by the Cabinet that no immediate steps should be taken to supply Lord Liverpool's place. The only pressing measure of the Government was the alteration of the corn laws, which the Premier had been preparing at the time of his seizure; and it had been resolved to propose the adoption of a sliding scale instead of a hard and fast line of prohibition. The duty on imported corn was to vary with its price in the home market. When grain was cheap, the duties were to rise; when it was dear, the duties were to fall. But the great landowners were determined on prohibition; no compromise would appease them,' and it was expected that they would offer a violent opposition to the ministerial scheme. They discovered, however, when the measure was introduced into Parliament, that the great body of the people regarded it as a fair compromise; and though several amendments were pro

posed on both sides of the House, the bill passed the Commons without any material alteration.

would have been more so if it could have been known that it contained his last appeal to Parliament on this question.. 'I conjure the House,' he said, 'to reflect that the motion is merely a declaration on the part of the House, that the state of Ireland and of the Roman Catholic population is such as to demand the consideration of the House. To this proposition it is intended to oppose a direct negative, importing that the House does not think that the state of Ireland or the laws affecting the Roman Catholics deserve consideration. That is the issue on which the House is now going to decide. The resolution goes no farther than that the House should adopt the opinions of its predecessors, who sent three bills up to the House of Lords of relief to the Roman Catholics. On the other hand,

The Roman Catholic question, which was once more brought forward at this time, was the object of greater interest than the new corn law, as it afforded the two parties an opportunity of testing their strength, and thus indicating indirectly their opinion respecting Lord Liverpool's successor. The usual motion was proposed by Sir Francis Burdett on the 5th of March, and the debate continued two days. Early in the evening of the second day of the discussion, Sir John Copley, Master of the Rolls (afterwards Lord Lyndhurst), delivered a powerful speech against the motion, in which he attempted by an elaborate historical argument to show that the penal laws were justifiable, and that the great statesmen if this resolution should be negatived, if who had previously supported emancipation had combined with it some securities which the present measure did not contain. Both the point and the arguments in support of it had obviously been borrowed from a pamphlet recently published by Dr. Phillpotts, rector of the rich living of Stanhope, afterwards bishop of Exeter. Before Copley had concluded, the source of his inspiration was noticed, and a stanza from a well-known song was whispered through the House

the House of Commons should decide that the consideration of the state of Ireland is not worthy to be entered upon, then is the House of Commons changed indeed; and it would be more easy to imagine than it would be safe for me to express the consequence that may ensue from such a change.'

Notwithstanding this appeal, the supporters of Roman Catholic emancipation were unexpectedly defeated, at five o'clock on the morning of the 7th of March, by a majority of four in a House of 584 members. Greville says, 'The question was lost by accident; several Catholics were suddenly Out of which I now drink to sweet Nan of the Vale, taken ill, or arrived too late for the division.' Was once Toby Phillpotts'.'

'Dear Tom, this brown jug which now foams with mild ale,

The Master of the Rolls was followed by Plunket, Brougham, Peel, and Canning. 'It was a brilliant and memorable night,' says an eye-witness, 'but neither Canning nor Copley appeared to the greatest advantage.' Canning, who considered-quite erroneously—that the pamphlet had been written at Copley's dictation, showed a good deal of irritation, and devoted his speech to a severe attack on the Master of the Rolls, which was greatly relished by both sides of the House. The conclusion of his speech was deeply impressive, and

But there can be no doubt that the ranks of their opponents had been augmented by the recent general election.

The result of this debate gave increased confidence to the Protestant party in Parliament, and strengthened their expectation that an administration would now be formed entirely in accordance with their views. But the more sagacious members of the party saw that this was impracticable. Peel explicitly informed the king that he would take no part in such an attempt. His wish was that a Protestant peer of sufficient weight and influence, whose general

principles were in accordance with those of | ever to any concession to the Roman

Peel had made him aware, a fortnight | resigned under a mistaken notion as to before, that he could not serve under a the principles of the Government, but afterprime minister who advocated a policy wards withdrew his resignation. Strange opposed to his own in regard to the Roman to say, both the king and the new prime Catholic claims. In a letter to Lord Eldon minister were under the impression that he affirmed that his difficulty arose out of the staunch old Tory and anti-Catholic, the Catholic question, and that alone. 'My Lord Eldon, would give his support to the own position,' he said, 'with respect to the new government. But the Chancellor was Catholic question, and with respect also to now far advanced in life; he had long felt the particular duties which my office de- anxious to resign,' he said, and finding that volves upon me, is a peculiar one. I have the colleagues with whose policy he most for many years taken a leading part in cordially coincided were determined to rethe House of Commons in opposition to the sign, he at last vacated the woolsack, which Roman Catholic claims, and for the last he had occupied nearly a quarter of a cenfive years I have filled that office which is tury-a longer period than any individual mainly responsible for the administration since the time of the Norman Conquest. of affairs in Ireland. Can I see the influence of the office of prime minister transferred from Lord Liverpool to Canning, and added to that of leader of the House of Commons, without subjecting myself to misconstruction with respect to my views on the Catholic question? Can it be so transferred without affecting my particular situation as Secretary for the Home Department, and my weight and efficiency in the administration of Irish affairs? It is with deep and unaffected regret that I answer these questions in the negative.'

In these trying circumstances Mr. Canning again waited upon the king on the 12th, and laying these resignations before His Majesty, said, ' Here, sire, is that which disables me from executing the orders which I have received from you respecting the formation of a new administration. It is now open to your Majesty to adopt a new course, for no step has yet been taken in the execution of these orders that is yet irrecoverable. But it becomes my duty fairly to state to your Majesty that if I am to go on in the position where you have been pleased to place me, my writ must be moved for to-day' (the last day before the Easter recess); for if we wait till the holidays without adopting any definite steps, I see it is quite hopeless for me to attempt to persevere in the objects I have undertaken.' The king assented to this arrangement, and in two hours after this interview Mr. Wynn, amid the enthusiastic acclamations of the House, moved that 'a new writ be issued for the borough of Newport in consequence of the right hon. George Canning having accepted the office of First Lord Commissioner of the Treasury.'

The Duke of Wellington, before replying to Mr. Canning's 'obliging proposition,' requested to know who was to be prime minister. Mr. Canning's answer, of course, was that the king usually intrusted the formation of an administration to the individual whom it was His Majesty's gracious intention to put at the head of it.' The duke rejoined by requesting Mr. Canning to desire His Majesty 'to excuse him from belonging to his councils.' On the 11th of April the Earl of Westmoreland sent in his resignation, on the ground that the chief office was in the hands of a person of different principles from Lord Liverpool's.' Deserted by all his colleagues except Lord Bathurst resigned because the Duke four, Canning found it no easy task to fill of Wellington had retired; Lord Melville up the vacancies thus created in the because Lord Bathurst had declined, and administration. His difficulty was still because he doubted the stability' of Mr. further increased by the resignations of Canning's administration. Lord Bexley Mr. Wallace, the Master of the Mint; Sir

Charles Wetherell, the Attorney-general; which gave great satisfaction to the service, and Sir John Beckett, the Judge-advocate, the office of Lord High Admiral was which speedily followed. But before the revived and conferred upon the Duke conclusion of the Easter recess his arrange- of Clarence, the king's next brother. The ments regarding the chief offices in the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer was Cabinet were completed. The ministers who intended for Lord Palmerston, to whom it adhered to Canning were Lord Harrowby, was offered but declined eighteen years the President of the Council; Mr. Robinson, before when he accepted the secretaryship the Chancellor of the Exchequer; Lord at War. Now, however, after long experiBexley (Vansittart), the Chancellor of the ence in office he was willing to accept it duchy of Lancaster; and Mr. Wynne, the along with a seat in the Cabinet, for the President of the India Board. Robinson purpose of assisting Canning in the arduous was created a peer, with the title of Lord task imposed upon him. A discreditable Goderich, and made Secretary of State for intrigue, however, on the part of the king, the Colonies, with the lead of the House prevented the appointment from being of Lords. Canning succeeded him as carried into effect. Lord Palmerston himChancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. Sturges self tells the story. 'George IV.,' he says, Bourne, who had filled several offices, and who personally hated me, did not fancy was an intimate friend of the Premier, me as Chancellor of the Exchequer. He accepted the seals of the Home Office. wanted to have Herries in that office. The Duke of Portland, Canning's brother- There were questions coming on about in-law, became Privy Seal in the room of palaces and crown lands which the king Lord Westmoreland. Lord Dudley and was very anxious about, and he wished Ward, a nobleman of rare abilities and either to have a creature of his own at the accomplishments, though of somewhat Exchequer, or to have the office of Chaneccentric habits, succeeded Canning at the cellor of the Exchequer held by the First Foreign Office. Lord Anglesey, a brilliant Lord, whose numerous occupations would cavalry officer who lost a leg at Waterloo, compel him to leave details very much became Master-general of the Ordnance to George Harrison the secretary, and to in the room of the Duke of Wellington. Herries, auditor of the civil list.* Sir John Copley, Master of the Rolls, notwithstanding his skirmish with the new premier on the Relief Bill (Phillpotto non obstante,' as Canning said in his letter offering Copley the great seal) succeeded Lord Eldon as Lord Chancellor, and was raised to the peerage by the title of Baron Lyndhurst. Scarlett, the most successful advocate of his day, replaced Wetherell as Attorney-general. The Duke of Wellington's feelings were so hostile to the new ministry that he not only resigned the Ordnance, but also threw up the command of the army, 'worked upon to do it,' Lord Palmerston alleges, 'by the old chancellor.' The king renewed his wish to become his own commander-in-chief, but Canning persuaded him to allow the office to remain vacant for the present. By a bold stroke of policy,

VOL. I.

*

The sons of Mr. Herries have recently published a memoir of their father, in which they indignantly protest against the epithet which Palmerston applies to him. But there can be no manner of doubt that it was George IV. who prevented Palmerston's appointment to the Exchequer, and that he was very

desirous that Herries should be nominated to that office. There can be as little doubt that the king had his own ends to serve in pressing Herries on the prime

minister. The repairs of Windsor Castle were still in progress. The original estimate was £300,000, but the expense had increased so largely that before the king's death it amounted to £900,000. Buckingham House was still unfinished. The original estimate was £252,690, but it was discovered in 1828 that the expense already incurred exceeded £400,000, and ultimately an additional sum of £213,000 was required to complete it. The cost of erecting this palace was to have been paid out of the surplus land revenues of the Crown. But these revenues were devoted to other uses, and the sum of £250,000, belonging to the French indemnity fund, was illegally appropriated to this purpose. Various other costly works, undertaken to please the king, were in progress, so that there were weighty reasons why George IV. was so eager to appoint Mr. Herries rather than Lord Palmerston.

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