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index, or miniature picture of the whole nation. It is no wonder, therefore, that the Westminster elections are very ofteri. contested with more than ordinary keenness and violence. The laft election for Westminster was expensive to the candidates even beyond the usual rate of expenditure. As it was found by experience that the voters were pretty equally divided between the ministerial and anti-minifterial candidates, it was settled, by a kind of tacit compact, or, in other words, it came, without any formal agreement, to be understood that there should be a division of political power in a body where there was a division of political sentiment. Lord Hood, it was understood, was not to bring forward in his hand an opponent to Mr. Fox, nor Mr. Fox an opponent to Lord Hood." There was nothing in this that was inconsistent with the utmost rectitude of intention, or that common sense and equity, and even the principle of equal representation did not justify. But a far different construction was put on this compromise by an excellent citizen, as well as a most acute reasoner, Mr. Horne Tooke, justly renowned for the independence of his political principles, the con.. sistency of his political character and conduct, the manly vigour of his political, and the subtlety of his philosophical writings on the subjects of philology and universal grammar. To that gentleman this passivity on the part of the candidates Lord Hood and Mr. Fox, appeared in the light of a coalition! a political collusion, for the purpose of monopolising to themselves the fuffrages, and consequently invading the rights of the electors of Westminster. There cannot be imagined a more confpículous proof and instance of the fascinating power of prejudice and passion over the intellect, than that the logical Mr. Horne thould convert the very ceffation of those gentlemen from all political cabal and intrigue into a proof that they had invaded the rights of the people whom they wilhed to represent in liament. Is it incumbent, then, on Mr. Fox or Lord Hood, or have they a right to nominate a plurality of candidates for the representation of Westminster? That an election may be free, is it necessary that it should be contested ? and do the rights of electors conlist in being courted and cajoled, entertained, caressed, decorated with the ensigns of party, Aattered with vain hopes, and pressed and constrained to vote for this or that candidate by a degree of violence? Would Mr. Tooke have the riots of 1783 renewed? Of those riots he justly complains as the occasions of bloodshed and murder! When he reflects coolly on the subject of all that he is now saying and doing, he will be convinced that to leave the Westminster electors entirely to themselves, and not to tamper in the least with their fentiments and inclinations, is the greatest compliment that could be paid to them, if they be really howest men, and the greatest ho
mage done to freedom. As to the change which the new election will make in the balance of power in parliament, we cannot yet speak with certainty. This a little time will determine; and we esteem it better to wait for the decision of time than to hazard vague computation and conjecture. It is probable that new strength will accrue to the minister ; for though his taxes, : and spies for enforcing them are vexatious, his linking-fund childish and absurd, and his tobacco excise, and the farming of: the horse-tax, dangerous; there is undoubtedly a high degree of vigilance and activity in the minister, and the general course of his adminiftration has been tranquil and prosperous. With regard to the state of affairs on the
CONTINENT OF EUROPE, it is yet uncertain whether there is to be peace or war. The preparations of Prussia correspond to the actual force of Austria. And a negociation is on foot for the establishment of peace and good neighbourhood, the grand principle of which, it is generally fupposed, is some exchange or partition of the Catholic
Netherlands. At all times, but especially in the present times of partitioning policy, it is the small powers, when involved in contests in which the great also are engaged, that are made to pay
THE BELGIC NATION is still under the guidance and scourge of the most malignant priestcraft. · Our ministry have not yet received a definitive answer from
SPAIN. That haughty nation, afraid of war, and ashamed of the condi. tions of peace, seeks extrication from embarrassment, in the artifices of negociation, and the new aspects and conjunctures of protracted time.
THE FRENCH REPUBLIC grows daily into consistency and form. It has lately received the congratulations of the strangers at Paris, of almost all kindreds and languages, whose deputies to the National Assembly may be considered as deputies from the genius of human nature; paying homage to that MORAL code, to maintain the authority of which, in the language of an elegant writer*, forms the jus divinum of nations. The National Assembly of France have made a greaç Atride in their progress towards the restoration of natural equality and right, by the abolition of all hereditary distinction of rank. Nó more dukes, counts, marquisses, &c. ! plain monsieur from the beggar to the king. Nor is it certain that this servile and Aattering
* See DUNBAR's Essays on the History of Mankind.
term will long maintain its ground. If the members of the French Academy shall be as complaisant to the new government as they were to the old, they will discover that monsieur (my lord) originated in times of feudal barbarity, and ought to be exchanged for some appellative more becoming the dignity of
In the debates on the abolition of different ranks, it was asked, What reward could the king bestow on any man who should fignalise his virtue in the service, or even be the means, perhaps, of saving his country. It was answered by the Marquis de la Fayette, that it would be recorded in history that on such a day of such a year, such and such a man' signalised his • virtue in the service, or was the means of saving his
country!-If similar ideas were entertained in the British parliament; if the royal prerogative of NOBILITATION were transferred from the KING and court to the HISTORIAN and to VIRTUE, the whole ceconomy of adminiftration would be deranged, and the ordinary course of affairs fubverted. For though honour might attend egregious excellence, as a body is attended by its shadow: how is that numerous tribe to be distinguished who may be miserably deficient in point of merit, and yet whom it may be the interest of the minister to pulh forward, and whom • the king may delight to honour?' Yet it may not, perhaps, be considered as wholly paradoxical to affirm, that there is a tendency, and even a design, on the part of our ministry to abolish all distinction of rank, and to restore primaval parity, by an indiscriminate advancement to the peerage of all who are able and willing to make the expected and usual sacrifices.
ERRATA in our Article of NATIONAL AFFAIRS
for last Month. Page 395, after the word possessed,' insert the right of granting.
396, after the words what may be,' infert supposed. Dele viz, Ditto, after the words ' a free opportunity of,' insert being in. 397, instead of gave the preference which promised, read
gave the preference to one which promised.
Communications for The English Review are requested to be sent to Mr. MURRAY, No. 32, Fleet-street, London; where Subfcribers for this Monthly Performance are respectfully deföred to give in their names,
Cbriftian people, exhortation to all, 474.
Collectanea Græca, 388.
Contrast, the, 230.
Coombe's sermon, 391.
Craxe on mineral waters, 151.
Cullen's materia medica, 32.
Cunningbam on the Copernican fyftem, 69.
DE Coetlogon's sermon, 391.
Delgado's translation of the Penta.
Dillinters, observations on the conduct of
the, 470. Ditto, ditto, No. II. ib.
ings of M. de Romnè de l'Ille, 460. Documents, public, 470.
Dore's sermon, 234.
Elegy on the author revifting his fore
mer residence, 228.
Ejay on the origin and nature of archi-
False appearances, a comedy, 299.
Farmer convinced, 389.
Letter to the farmers of Great-Britain,
Letter to a nobleman, 376.
Letter on the pra&ice of boxing, 387.
Letter to the Rev. Mr. Martin, 472.
Letter to a friend, 473.
Letter to the parliament, 473.
Letters on love, marriage, and adultery,
Life of Scipio Africanus, 86.
Liturgy, an apology for the, 232.
Loffi's observations on Knowles's tefti.
Love in many malks, 386.
Lovers, the clandestine, 466.
MAcquart's estays on mineralogy, 454.
Man of benevolence, 67.
Man midwifery detected, 151.
Maxims of piety, 300.
Medical essays, 282.
Meilan's sermons, 390.
Mental triumph, 306.
Meredith, Miss, history of, 467.
Miferio's vision, 55.
NIcbofon's evangelical discourses, 313.
Nicholson's chemistry, 335.
by them, &c. 389.
OBjervations on Dr. Price's fermons,
KIrwan on the temperature of different
P Aradise regained, imitated from Mil.
L Avater's effays on phyfiognomy, 1.
Le Couteur's letters from India, 146.
Part 11. 39