Great Britain." The objections refpecting the increase of absentees, and the supposed detriment to the city of Dublin by an Union, are fully answered, and its probable advantages placed in several striking points of view. The whole Speech is, in our opinion, worthy of the character of the noble fpeaker for ability and diligence. ART. 46. The Cafe of Ireland reconfidered, in an Answer to a Pamphlet, entitled Arguments for and against an Union confidered. 8vo. 86-pp. 1s. 6d. Debrett. 1799. 66 The great object of this writer (who profeffes himfelf to be a Roman Catholic) is, to fhow that an Union between Great Britain and Ireland will be ineffectual to the peace and profperity of the latter, fhould the terms of it exclude the Catholics from that equal participation of political privileges which they claim. He infers, from fome arguments in Mr. Cook's pamphlet, not only that the author of it fuppofes, but that Great Britain has abfolutely determined, that fuch an exclufion fhall form one of the articles of the Union, should this event take place. Impreffed with this notion, he alfo argues against the meafure on general grounds, and with fome ingenuity; though it is clear (ro) us at leaft) that were his apprehenfions refpecting the Catholics removed, moft of his objections would vanish. The exclufion of the Roman Catholics is," he afferts, "the only one of the terms of it (the Union) about which we are not left in doubt." So far from agreeing with the writer in this inference, we conceive that, of all the important points to be confidered in the propofed treaty, this is the one of which we can leaft anticipate the refult. Mr. Cook, if our recollection of his work is accurate, puts the cafe both ways, fuppofing that (in the event of an Union) either the privileges claimed by the Catholics might be granted with lefs danger; or, fhould it ftill be deemed neceffary to withhold them, the Irish of that perfuafion would have lefs pretence for complaint. But, admitting that Mr. Cook, or the author of that tract, inclines to the fuppofition leaft favourable to the Catholics, does it follow, that in a tranfaction of fuch infinite national importance, as a negociation between two independent kingdoms to establish their future connection, the negociators muft of neceffity follow every fuggeftion of a political pamphlet, publifhed fome time before, becaufe that pamphlet is afcribed to a gentleman in office? Many of the other tracts (and fome of great weight and ability) on this important fubject, fuppofe, and even recommend, the complete emancipation (as it is called) of the Catholics, as an article, or at leaft as a confequence, of the propofed Union: nor does any thing in the minister's fpeech, (furely the most authentic document that has hitherto appeared!) exclude the poffibility of fuch a meafure. The author of this tract may therefore, we think, reft fatisfied, that the claims of his brethren will be candidly heard and juttly decided. Allowing for this fundamental error in the tract before us, the writer a pears, in other refpects, to have confidered the fubject with candour, and certainly difcuffes it with ability. To fome of his pofitions, indeed, we cannot affent; and we think the fchemes which he would fub. ftitute for an incorporate Union,-namely, that, on imperial questions, Ꮓ BRIT. CRIT. VOL. XIV. SEPT. 1799. either either a certain number of Irish members thould be deputed ad hoc to the Brith Parliament; or that the decision of the Irish Parliament, in fuch cafes, fhould have the weight of a certain number of votes in the British, are pregnant with infuperable difficulties. But, though we differ from this author as to feveral of his arguments on the general qualtion, we confider him as a very able, as well as a temperate advocate for the Irish Catholics, whofe caufe he maintains; and we think his plea in their behalf, though not without fomne gloffes from partiality, worthy of the attention of thofe in whom the decifion will reft. There are, indeed, in this tract, many ufetul fuggeftions refpecting Ireland, paricularly towards the conclufion, where the author recommends fome meafures, which, he thinks, would contribute much to make that kingdom the "happy and flourishing country in the world." Thefe are," A total repeal and oblivion, if poffible, of all religious diftinctions, prefuppofing the molt ample fecurity for the Proteftant Church establishment and property, and a diftribution of fome of the inferior places of prafit among the middling claffes of the Roman Catholics;" "A modus for tithes, the eafieft pollible one for the peafantry A decent fupport for the Catholic clergy;" (which, he recommends, fhould contiit of a house and chapel, with a few acres of glebe) "A vigilant and ftrong police, as little arbitrary as poffible;' and " a moft fevere, impartial, and dignified adminiftration of justice to every rank of life." "Other inconveniences of which Ireland complains (fuch as middle men, rack rents, and poverty of farmers) are not, he thinks, within the reach of law or public regulation;' but that, as capital increafes, and more of it comes into the mar ket of land, thefe inconveniencies will gradually disappear." Having given detailed accounts of fo many other publications on the fame fubject, we will only add, that this work, upon the whole, does great credit to its author, and may be read with advantage by all whofe duty or inclination leads them to examine with attention the momentous fubject which it difculles. ART. 47. Neutrality of Pruffia. Franflated from the German. Svo. 51 pp. Wright. 1799. This tract had, we are told, a rapid and extenfive circulation on the continent; yet the principal effect intended to be produced by it has not yet appeared. The object of the writer is, to how that, although in ordinary times there was a natural rivalship between Auf tria and Pruffia, yet confidering the enormous ftrength and manifeft views of the French Republic, it has become indifpenfably neceffary for the two great German povers cordially to unite, in order to avoid being feparately cruthed. This is proved by forcible, and, we think, fatisfactory arguments. The reafens wy neither of the two powers has yet been fufficiently in proffed with this great truth, are well ftated. The writer, though he ages the moft vigorous exertions, intimates his fear, that the favourable moment (that which followei the victory of Nelfon) is loft. Happily fubfequent events have fhown, that there was ftill an opportunity left. Due refpect is paid to the dignified fortitude of Great Britain; and a mode of obviating all all jealoufy between Auftria and Pruffia is fuggefted, deferving, as it Thould feem, the attention of itatefimen; namely, that England and Ruffia fhould become parties and guarantees in a treaty for uniting and directing their common efforts against France. Upon the whole, this pamphlet deserves the attention of all who feel interefted (and who does not?) in the important fcenes now acting in Europe. ART. 48. The Subftance of the Speech of Robert Peel, Efq. in the Houfe of Commons, on Thursday the 14th of February, 1799, on the Queftion for receiving the Report of the Committee on the Refolutions refpecting an Incorporate Union with Ireland. With a correct Copy of the Refolutions, as they avere finally amended by the Houfe of Commons. 8vo. 22.PP 6d. Stockdale. 1799. Mr. Peel admits that, in 1785, he was a petitioner against the Commercial Propofitions, as thinking them prejudicial to the manufactures of Great Britain. He declares that his fupport of the prefent measure, of an Union," does not arife from a change of fentiments, but of cir cumftances:" for, as he justly obferves, this plan embraces great advantages, both political and commercial, which, by uniting two countries into one, are calculated to add strength and fecurity to the empire; and is fo effentially neceffary at this time, when a daring attempt has been made, both by intrigue and force, to feparate the countries; that inferior confiderations ought not to weigh against it." He, however, objects to the fixth refolution (that which refpects the equalization of duties) becaufe, from the weight of our taxes and price of labour, "our manufactured goods cannot be afforded on equally low terms with the produce of labour in places where fimilar burthens do not exist." Differing from administration on this collateral point, he fupports the principal measure with strong and appofite arguments. We think this Speech, though short, worthy of attention, as containing the fentiments of a well-informed commercial man, and an independent Member of Parliament. ART. 49. Neceffity of deftroying the French Republic proved by Fats and drguments. Tranfland from the French by the Author. With Additions. 8vo. 52. pp. IS. Debrett, &c. 1799. The important truth which it is the object of this little tract to inculcate, muft, we think, by this time, have become obvious to all unIt cannot, however, be too often prejudiced and reflecting minds. repeated, that there is no peace or fafety for Europe, but in the defuction of that fyftema ic anarchy (or, more properly fpeaking, ty ranny) which has oppreffed and defolated the fairelt portion of the globe. This point is clearly, but might perhaps have been more ftrikingly proved, by the writer before us. In detailing the effects of the French Revolution on each part of Europe, he feems to confider the countries exprefly and formally united to France as the only acceffion gained to her empire: whereas, the mock Republics fet up by her, and wholly directed by her generals and commiffaries, were, in effect, effect, but fo many provinces of France, and formed one of the moft formidable engines of their power. This point is but flightly noticed by the author, who, in other refpects, argues well and juftly. Though it is but a few months fince his work was published, there is already a profpect, that his wishes for the fubverfion of the French Republic may be realized. ART. 50. The Iniquity of Banking, Part II. Containing a further Illuftration of the Injustice of the Paper Syftem; an Enquiry into the Nature and Confequences of the Bank Indemnity Bill; and a Plan for removing (or at leaft alleviating) the Evils produced by the Circulation of Bank Notes. 8vo. 64 pp. Is. 6d. Jordan. 1797. There is hardly a divifion or fubdivifion in the whole circle of fciences, which our Gallo-maniacs have not ranfacked, for arms and inftruments to fubvert or undermine the ftate. At one time, hiftory is falfified; at another, the doctrines of politics or morality are vitiated: the attack of the prefent period feems chiefly derived from false principles of political economy. Sufficient notice will be taken of this writer, by ftating, and briefly confidering the thing which he makes his fundamental principle; and remarking a few of the inflammatory extravagancies that he rightly or wrongly deduces from it, or adds to its confequences. This great principle is," That no man ought to have a share in the productions of fociety, greater than in proportion to his property." P. 9. This the writer applies to prove the Iniquity of Banking; and infers from it," that a man who has 100,000l. in his notes in circulation, being five times the capital which he keeps in his ftrong box to fupport that circulation, has no jufter title to the 5,000l. a year he makes upon it, than if he had gone upon the highway in order to obtain it," as it gives him five times his fhare of the annual products of fociety, whem it robs of fo much of their due. To this it is anfwered, that the power of command of fo much product, which was before rightly vefted in the perfons to whom he gives his notes, is by them transferred to the "man of paper" by compact, in the act of allowing difcount, fuppofing the quantity of his notes in circulation fixed; but the fhares of the contracting parties in the annual product are changed, the fhare of the one being increased, as much as that of the other is diminished; but thofe of every other individual remain unaffected by the tranfaction; and the cafe is the fame of loans in notes; moreover, the benefit of the borrower of the note is generally much greater than the allowance he makes for it. But furely never was fuch a propofition brought forward as a principle! For its first confequence is, that the poffeffors of equal capitals, employed or not, fhould derive from them equal incomes; thus all mercantile prefit is unjuft, and the labourer is not worthy of his hire; more efpecially thofe, who exercise skilled labour, as it is named by Dr. Smith; as the phyfician, the counsellor, the ftatuary, or the painter, the share of each exceeding his property employed, or capital, in an enormous proportion. Thus Thus far the profound general principle of this writer has been explained: we now come to fome of his beauties of detail. He informs us, that the original charter of the Bank" might, without any great impropriety, have been entitled, A Charter to enable certain individuals to rob the people of England." P. 52. One mode in which that company has been able to effect it the author has defcribed: "It is not," fays he," the gold belonging to the Bank, but the national revenue, which forms the fund for circulating the paper of the Bank." P. 27. From Dr. Smith, whofe writings he appears to have read much, this author might have been informed of the great expence of the Bank, in the purchase of gold bullion for coinage, to keep their coffers properly replenifhed. Befides, if there had ever been a balance, upon the whole, due from the Bank to the state, part of the money in the Bank, by which its notes are circulated, would have been the property of the ftate; but the contrary is the cafe, that company is always greatly in advance to government, and obliged to provide coin to circulate the notes it advances. The fallacy here is the fame, as if when a banker had advanced to a perfon 100l. in notes, which he repaid by instalments in coin, the borrower fhould fay, that he was trading upon his money. "The merchants and bankers of London," this pamphleteer informs the nation, "are all virtually bankrupts;" p. 15, and in their late affociation to fupport the circulation of the paper of the Bank, their motives were exactly fimilar to those which unite a band of robbers in defence of their chief." P. 12; and "a general bankruptcy would be only a kind of GENERAL RELEASE." Ib. His remedy for the evils of paper credit is, that all circulating notes fhould be called in, and that a paper to be iffued by the state should only be permitted to circulate. He has indeed added to the plans for this purpose, which have been long before the public, a measure to be embraced, if the paper should fall below par. In that case, he di'fects us to repeal all the exifting laws against all the coiners or counterfeiters of guineas, half guineas, or other gold coins"!! This we believe would reduce the gold to the par of the paper; or, to go this writer's full length, it may be fo brought below it, ART. 1. Mr. Pitt's Bill for augmenting the Affeffed Taxes examined, on the Principles of Justice and Common Senfe, and the Caufe of Landlords, and of the County of Middlefex especially pleaded. 8vo. 30 pp. 15. Johnson. 1797. This writer labours to fhow, that particular articles of the affeffed taxes did not fall on every diftrict and every class of fociety equally, or in proportion to their ability: a property no tax on any fpecific object can poffefs. If the objects of taxation be multiplied, the deviations of that on one article from this proportionality, may compenfate that of another; and what is abfolutely juft, be thus very nearly approximated. His befinefs was therefore to fhow, not that fingle taxes bore hard upon particular diftricts, as London and Middlesex, the counties of Surry and Suffex; but that this preffure was not compenfated by counter-inequalities in the charge on other arti cles, in the remainder of the kingdom, in their favour, What |