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rain, and often in great quantities. From the rapid thaw we alluded to in our laft Report the accounts from the country have been truly diftreffing; the damage done in low countries is almoft incalculable; and there is reafon to fear that the havock committed by the floods among the sheep, will be productive of serious effects upon the country in general.

The average temperature for the current month is equal to 44o 2 about 5 degrees higher than it was during the fame month last year, and 7 degrees higher than it was in February 1807. The average height of the barometer is 29.297, which is rather lower than it was for the laft month. The winds have blown chiefly from the wefterly quarter, fometimes north, and fometimes fouth-west. We may reckon, notwith landing the great number of rainy days, nine in which the fun has fhone with great brilliancy.

Astronomical Anticipations.

In the courfe of the prefent month the moon will be twice at the full; viz. on the morning of the 2d, at 57 minutes paft three, and in the afternoon of the S1ft, at 23 minutes part three. The conjunction or new noon will be on the morning of the 16th, at 19 minutes past four. On the evening of the 4th, will take place a notable occultation of the bright ar, of the first inagnitude, in the conftellation of the Virgin, commonly named the Virgin's pike, and by Bayer marked a. The inmerfion will take place at the bright edge of the moon, tb. 23m. after her rifing, at 20 minutes paff ten, apparent time; and the emerfion 25 minutes afterwards. At the commencement of the phenomenon the ftar will be 15 minutes, and at the end 144 minutes, to the fouth of the moon's centre. It should be noticed, that the fun-dial is 11m. 57f. behind a well-regulated clock at the time of the oc cultation: Mercury and Jupiter will be too near the fun this month to be feen with the naked eye. Venus will make a very fplendid appearance, every clear evening, in the weft, and towards the end of the month may be feen with the naked eye about two hours after fun-fet. On the 1ft, her elongation from the fun will be 45o 42', and on the 31ft, 44° 48'. Her greatest elongation happens on the 13th, when her angular diftance from the fun will be 46° 8'. Throughout the month fhe will increafe in fplendour, and will be up between four and five hours after fun-tet. About the middle of the month fhe will ap pear dichotomized, as feen through a telescope, after which the will become horned. Mars will be a morning-star for the month. He will be up the greatest part of the night, and will make a fine appearance near the Virgin's spike, towards which bright ftar he will be conftantly approaching by his retrograde motion. Saturn is ftill a morning-ftar. On the 1st he riles at one o'clock in the morning, and on the 31st, at 5 minutes paft eleven, night. In the beginning of the month he will be 3° 32′ lefs in longitude, and 6° 36' more north, than the Scorpion's heart, a ftar of the first magnitude; on the 13th, the day of Saturn's flationary appearance, the planet will be feven minutes of a degree nearer to the ftar in longitude, and only one minute further to the north, than at the beginning of the month; and on the 31ft, the difference of longitude will be 3o 30', and of latitude 6° 39′. The Georgium Sidus will be above the horizon the greatest part of the night. On the evening of the 1ft he rifes at 42 minutes paft ten, on the evening of the 16th at 53 minutes part nine, and on the evening of the 31ft at 56 minutes past eight. He may be readily found with the telescope, by obferving, that on the 1st the difference of longitude of this planet and the bright ftar of the fecond magnitude, in the fouth feale of the Balance, will be 2° 50′, and on the 31ft, 6° 17', the ftar, in both cafes, being further to the east in longifude, and about 7 minutes more to the fouth in latitude. That very fingularitar, the 2 io the conftellation of Perfeus, fometimes called Medufa's head, and fometimes Algol, was obferved to be at its leaft brightnefs on February 18, at about 8 minutes paft eleven, night, clock-time, at which time it was as faint as the Períci, of the fourth magnitude. Froin this datum, compared with that of Mr. Goodricke of York, which was fixed on October 25, 1783, the following times of leaft brightnets visible to Great Britain are, with fufficient accuracy, determined to be: the 8th, at 3 minutes past four, morning; the 11th, at 8 mi nates before one, morning; the 13th, at 41 minutes past nine, night; and the 318, at 35 minutes past two, morning. Thofe who are curious to obferve the whole phenomenon, must begin to examine the ftar about four hours before the time of its least brightness, and continue their obfervations for the eight confecutive hours. The vernal equinox bappens wn the night of the 20th, at 14 minutes paft twelve, at which moment the real centre of the fox will be rifing to all thofe places whose longitude is 874 degrees to the cast of the Royal Obfervatory at Greenwich, precifely at their fix o'clock; and at the fame mement it will be setting to all thofe places whofe longitude is 934 degrees to the well of Greenwich. But, of account of the refractive nature of the atmosphere, especially in the horizon, the fan's rentré will appear to rife three or four minutes before, and to fet the fame space of time after 62. On the equator the quantity of the acceleration of the rifing, and retardation of " the fetting, will be 2m. 14f. in latitude 10 degrees north and fouth, 2m. 16f. in latitude 20 degrees, em 23 f. in latitude 30 degrees, 2m. 35 f. in latitude 40 degrees, 2m. 53f. in latitude 50 degrees, 3m, 281, in the latitude of Londen, 6m. 3541. &c. &c. &c.

Erratum in the Astronomical Anticipation: før February -Line S, fər “nine," read "eight.”

MONTHLY MAGAZINE.

No. 183.]

APRIL 1, 1809.

[3 of VOL. 27.

As long as thofe who write are ambitious of making Converts, and of giving to their Opinions a Maximum of “Influence and Celebrity, the most extenfively circulated Miscellany will repay with the greatest Effect the "Curiosity of those who read either for Amusement or Inftruction." JOHNSON,

ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.

For the Monthly Magazine. ACCOUNT of the EMBASSY of LOUIS DE BOURBON, COUNT DE. VENDOSME, JACQUES JOUVENEL DES URSINS, ARCH BISHOP of RHLIMS, and others, to HEN RY VI. KING OF ENGLAND, from a MS. in the NATIONAL LIBRARY at PARIS, mark ed 8448, by M. GALLIARD: now first published in ENGLAND.

T the epoch of the negociation, of

vour of this match England, in lieu of de manding a dower, had yielded the province of Maine to Charles d'Anjou, uncle of the Princess. Margaret never par doned the opposition of the Duke of Gloucester to the marriage; and landed in England, an enemy to that prince, and patroness of the party of the Cardinal. The young Suffolk, whom the Cardinal had used to negociate this marriage,

A which we are about to great, Charles became the Queen's favourite, and she

Vii, regued in France, and Henry VI. in England: the English, after a long time, lost in France all the conquests which Hen iy V, and thé Duke of Bedford had made there. The two nations were fatigued with war, and their minds were disposed to accommodation. Henry VI. nephew of Charles VII. had the same affection for bin and France, which Richard II. his great uncle, according to the British mode, had had for Charles VI. maternal grandfather of Henry. Conferences for peace were perpetually held; sometimes at Arras, sometimes between Calais and Gravelmes, sometimes at Tours. The ascens dancy, which the factions in France had hitherto given to the English, whether in arms or council, declined every day. The same. factions then reigned in the English regency. The Duke of Glouces ter, the King's uncle, and the Cardinal of Winchester, his great uncle, son of the Duke of Lancaster, father of Henry IV. were quarrelling for supremacy; and each accused the other several times of treason in various parliaments. These civil discords had the most sensible influence upon continental affairs. The Cardinal and the Duke were divided in opinunt upon public business, as well as upon the private views of ambition. The Duke of Gloucester desired only war, and what he called the glory of the Eng fish name. The Cardmal was for France and peace. The Duke had wished to anite Henry with a daughter of the Comte Armagine: the Cardinal had concluded in 1444, the year preceding, at the conferences of Tours, the marriage with Margaret of Anjou, daughter of René, Duc d'Anjou, and King of Sicily. In fa

Mag. No. 129.

loaded him with such acts of kindness, as to bring some stain upon her character. Henry was despotically governed by her: no other power was known than that of Margaret: she occupied Henry with a pusillanimous devotion, while he gave up the reins of government to her. Upon the whole Henry was a price of weak mind, and Margaret a woman of strong character; her courage and her pride destined her to great faults, great misfortunes, and great resources. The party of the Queen and Suffolk was called in England the French party. Margaret, in truth, appeared to be always attached to the interests of France, her country; and the Duke of Suffolk, in order to please her, went sometimes so far as to betray his own; for which, in the end, he was rained'; but at the time of the embassy he was in the zenith of favour.

At the conferences of Tours, they could only agree upon a truce: the object of the embassy was, if possible, to convert this truce into a lasting peace.

Four of the ambassadors arrived at Calais, July 2, 1445, and went the next day to Dover. On the 8th they all united at Canterbury, and made their entry into London upon the 14th. At about a league from the metropolis, says the MS. came the Earts of Suffolk, Dorset, Salisbury, and many others, all of whom grected the ambassadors personally_and pleasantly, and escorted them by London Bridge to their quarters. Upon the bridge were the mayor and citizens, all robed in scarlet, furred with martin-fur; about 60 in number. Before the mayor a man held a gilt sword; afterwards along the streets, were stationed the

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trades

trades, each dressed alike, and many people to see them enter.

On the 15th, the ambassadors were admitted to an audience of the King, and found him on a high sallette [a littie hall. Cotgr.] without a bed, hung with blue tapestry, diapred with the livery of the late King, i. e. to say, with broom plants, and his motto, Jamais, worked in gold; and throne of tapestry, of ladies, who were presenting to a lord the arms of France: it was all worked upon gold, very rich, and a high chair stood under the said throne, covered even to the ground with a vermillion cloth of gold." [Here M. Galliard, Frenchman like, (for there cannot be a doubt, but Clarke's Naval Tactics, will one day be affirmed to be a plagiarism from the French!) digresses to shew, that the broom-plants were borrowed from the order of the geniste in France, and adopted by Henry V. when he took the title of the King of France; whereas every body knows, that this was the cognizance and Plantagenet (Plantagenista), the name of our Kings from Henry II. Menestrier (adds Mr. G.) is right in making the word Jamais, James, being a word in the order" So much for French criticism upon English affairs. The order was founded till long after the death of our Henry II. not till 1234! The throne and audience chamber of Henry VI. are engraved by Strutt. Dresses, Pl. cxv. Translator.]

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Henry, proceeds the MS. received the French Ambassador with every mark of distinction; and as soon as the Comte de Vendosme and the Archbishop of Rheims, who were the first, entered into the chamber, and the King saw them, he descended, and, standing upright before his throne, there waited for the said ambassadors, et toucha tous ceux du Roi bien humblement,* in taking off his hood a little to the Count and Archbishop.

The Count presented the letters, and the Archbishop porta la parole,† took up the word, and spoke in French, announcing the rank of each of the ambassadors. He observed, that the Comte de Laval was nephew by affinity of the King of France, and cousin german by athinity of the King of England.

Here Mr. Galliard adds the pedigree.] The King had by him at this audience the Cardinal of York, and the Chancel

The translator is not certain as to the sense of this passage.

It is contrary to modern etiquette to speak first to the King, but ambassadors may be privileged.

lor Archbishop of Canterbury, both creathe Duke of Suffolk: these were on his tures of the Cardinal of Winchester and right. At his left were the Duke of Gloucester and some others.

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French ambassadors breathed nothing but The instructions and discourse of the peace and amity; and on hearing these words, the King of England made a very fine aspect of being exceedingly contented and rejoiced, and especially when they spoke of the King his uncle, and the love which he had for him, his heart seemed to leap for joy-il sembloit que cueur lui rist. Athis window was Mons. de Glocestre, whom he looked at occasionally, and then turning to his right, Cardinal of York, who were there, smiled to the Chancellor, Duke of Suffolk, and upon them, and seemed to make a sign. He was observed even hand of the Chancellor, and was overto squeeze the heard saying in English, "I am extremely glad that some people, who are present, hear these words: they are not at their ease."

also, in the name of his master, with some The Chancellor of England replied the King complained to him, in English, words of peace and amity; nevertheless King came to the ambassadors, and, that he had not said enough. And the putting his hand to his hood, and lifting it from his head, cried two or three times, Saint Jehan, grand mercy! Sains Saint John! Thank you, Saint John!”Jehan, grand mercy!-i. e." Thank you, and clapped them on the back, and made many very joyful gestures, and bid the Comte de Suffolk tell them, that he did not consider them as strangers; and that they should make the same use of his house as that of the King his uncle, and in the house of that King. come and go at all hours, the same as

On the 16th they returned to the King' conversed with the Comte de Suffolck, s audience chambers, and, while waiting, the MS. fronchifies the English title.He said to them, purposely loud enoughfor every body to hear,-Et si avoit “ la plusieurs; princes and seigneurs-that be wished them all to know, that he was the servant of the King of France, and that, his master, he would serve him with perexcept the person of the King of England, and added: I say, except my master, his son and property against all the world: person: I do not speak of the Lords, and do not except neither the Dauphin nor Gloucester, nor any others, beyond his person; and he repeated these words

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three or four times over each time, in a louder tone of voice, saying, that he knew well, that his master wished the same, and that the King of France was the person whom his master loved best in the whole world, next to his wife. He added, that he desired such great honour and good to the King of France; that he wished every one to know, that he would serve him towards all and against all, except the person of his said master."

[From this silly speech, it appears that Suffolk, was a very weak man; and with such counsellors the misfortunes of Henry are not surprising.]

In this second audience they talked of business and peace, but in a manner superficial and fitted to the bounden capacity of the King. They talked more of peace in general, than of the methods of making it. They said, that since the two Kings were such friends!" cursed be be who should advise them to have war together!" to which every one preBent replied Amen. It was also said, that the two Kings could better than any person terminate their differences by an interview; and Mons, de Suffolck said, quite loud, that when he was in France, it was rumoured, that Mons. de Glocestre hindered the King, and that the King offered to come in person to aid the affair; but that the said Sieur de Suffolck answered that he did not believe it (sic), and that Mous, de Glocestre did not wish kim to do it, and thus he had not the power: and at another time said, quite loud, that the second person in the world whom the King loved best, was the King his uncle; and the King answered, "Saint John, yes!" many times in English.

It was agreed, that the Cardinal d'Yorck, the Comte de Suffolck, and Raoul (Ralph), otherwise Willian, le Bouteiller (Boteler), Grand Treasurer of England, should labour in concert with the French ambassadors to effect a peace. When the ambassadors were preparing to leave the audience, because they had nothing more to say at that time, the King said "Nenny," [probably a French conversion of Nay, Nay], and withheld them, and seemed as if he was exceed ingly glad to see them; but he did not speak any other word to them.

After the protestations, the progress was of course to the conferences and propositions,

The Count de Suffolck began them by saying, that, at the conferences of Tours, he had it in charge to demand the cession of Guienne and Normandy, and other French domains to which the English had

acquired a right, before the quarrel of Philip de Valois and Edward the Third about the succession to the crown of France

The Archbishop of Rheims, who was the orator of the French embassy, repeated also the offers which had been made at Tours on the part of France: it was to cede to England, in the southern provinces, Guienne, le Quercy, and le Perigord; in the part of the north, Calais and Guisnes; the whole under condition of homage. These offers, he said, were full as great, or very nearly so, as the pretensions of the English before the quarrel for the crown; since then they laid no pretensions to Normandy, and were confined to the Duchy of Guienne, and the county of Ponthieu.

The Cardinal d'Yorck pretended, that Poitou and Normandie were part of their just pretensions (en etoient MS.). The ambassadors recalled to their recollection the famous treaty of 1259, concluded between S. Louis and Henry III. King of England, by which Saint Louis ceded to the English the Duchy of Guienne, composed of the Bourdelois, the Landes, and the Bazardois, and some other adjacent provinces, which were those offered at the conferences of Tours, and were still offered. In consequence of this cession, the English had formally renounced the provinces of Normandy, Anjou, Maine, &c. In the end King Edward I. had Ponthieu du chef de sa femme, he had done homage for it, as well as for Guienne and its annexations, which had not been ceded by St. Louis but under the express condition of homage, which the English demanded that they should renounce, and to which the French ambassadors protested that France would never assent. Posterior treaties had only confirmed the treaty of 1259: thus Edward III. who himself bad rendered homage for Guienne and Ponthieu, did not possess but these two provinces, and their dependences, in Frauce, before the quarrel for the crown. They now offered to the English, instead of Ponthieu, Calais and Guisnes, which were worth more, and the Duchy of Guienne, such as they had possessed. "Let us leave all these debates," said the Duke de Suffolck; "let us not thus golfrom offer to offer, disputing always the territory, and passing through all the usual lengths. These are two Kings, relatives and friends, it is an uncle and nephew, who are treating together. They are treating by the intervention of humble and faithful subjects, who share their sentiments, enter

into

into their views, and know their intentions. Let us come to the point: tell us frankly the last offers which you are charged to make us. We will tell you at the same time, what are the last demands to which we confine ourselves."

Never did plenipotentiaries answer in earnest to a similar request, because they could never reckon upon the good faith of those who made it, and both sides are afraid of being too forward. The ambassadors then said, that the of fers which they had made were the last which they had to make, and that they were reasonable and advantageous. "If you have no others," replied Suffolk, must break up our conference; but happily I know that you have some others. As to the rest, it is late, let us go to dinner, and afterwards proceed directly to business, and, without losing more time, hasten to say the last word."

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These debates had lasted till the 20th: that day they began by insisting upon the first offers, by wishing to keep to them; and lastly, upon urgency to ad. vance, and give the last word, the French said, "Well! all that we can promise you is, to read over our instructions, to study them to the bottom, and to see, jointly, if, in interpreting them the most favourably for peace, we can without prevarication pretend to add any thing to these offers; but do you also, on your side, declare in good earnest what is the last limit which you put to your demands, your hopes, and your projects."

The next day (21) the ambassadors went to see the Cardinal of England, who had just come to London: by this term they denominated the Cardinal of Winchester, because he was of the royal family, and because he had the greatest interest in England. He was, as we have said, entirely devoted to the Queen and the French party; the English plenipotentiaries were all his creatures: his discourse was entirely conformable to theirs, and breathed nothing but peace.

In the conference of that day, the French ambassadors added to their offers the Limousin. The Cardinal de Yorck said, that in the evening he had conceived good hopes, from the last words which the French ambassadors had spoken, on quitting his hotel: that he saw in the steps, which they have just taken, the pacific disposition of the King of France, of which M. de Suffolck had been the witness, and with which he had so entertained them in the transports of his satisfaction and delight; but that it was not possible for such dispositions not to

have produced more; that assuredly the powers of the ambassadors were much further extended; that, in short, the time was come for developing the whole, and that peace was so great a good, that there ought not to be the least delay.— The ambassadors, having gone a little aside to deliberate together, agreed to add to Limousin the Saintonge and the Pays d'Annis, since a hint of that kind had been dropped by M. de Precigny to M. de Suffolck.

The French plenipotentiaries, in their turn, then pressed the English in the most urgent manner to imitate their frankness, and say the last word.

"If we have delayed till now to say it," replied the Cardinal d'Yorck, "it was for two reasons only; one, that your of fers are the smallest which have been hitherto made on the part of France, although the situation of our affairs is much better than it has ever been since we began to treat; the other, that being so near the King, we can say and do nothing without taking his orders." "Ah!" cried Precigny, "would to God, that the two Kings were within reach of each other; in the disposition in which they both are peace would be soon concluded." Every one cried, Amen-and after this unanimous voice, the French ambassadors begged the English plenipotentiaries to propose this interview to Henry. Suffolk was charged with the office

On the S0th July, the Comte de Vendosme, the Archbishop of Rheims, and the Seigneur de Precigny, had a private audience of the King of England at Folem (Fulham), a country house of the Bishop of London. The Archbishop of Rheims, speaking in the name of all, said, that he believed that the King had already been informed of the proposition which they had to make to him; that all minds were disposed to peace, but that the objects upon which they treated with the purpose of definitive settlement were so delicate and important, that servants hesitated to meddle with and lay their hands upon it. It had been avowed, that if the two Kings could meet, and converse together, the matter would be better and sooner brought to an issue; and that, in truth, they knew that the King his uncle had a very great desire to see him, and that it would be a very great satisfaction to him. They proposed then that he should come to France in the following spring or later; but as the truce expired on April 1, 1446, they had powers to continue it till All-Saints (Nov. 30), of the same year.

These

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