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few words on the probable means of its cure. In the first place, he conceives the disease of the Bibliomania is materially softened, or rendered mild, by directing our studies to useful and profitable works-whether these be printed upon small or large paper, in the Gothic, Roman, or Italic type! In the second, he considers the reprinting of scarce and intrinsically valuable works, as another means of preventing the propagation of the disorder. In the third place, the editing of our best ancient authors, whether in prose or poetry, is recommended. In the fourth place, the erection of public institutions. And in the fifth place, the encouragement of the study of bibliography. A minor publication perhaps in appearance, though certainly not in real interest, will be found in "Lessons for Young Persons in Humble Life: calculated to promote their improvement in the Art of Reading; in Virtua und Piety; and, particularly, in the Knowledge of the Duties peculiar to their Stations."

The book is not written, or published, to promote the views of any sect or party. It is designed for the main body of young people in this country. It is meant, in an especial manner, to recommend industry and frugality, honesty, sobriety, and contentment; fidelity in service; the religious observance of the sabbath; and the study of the Holy Scriptures, as the great rule of life. The compiler trusts that in the whole work, though collected from so many different sources, there is not any sentiment, or expression, that is, in the slightest degree, inconsistent with the tenor of our holy religion; or that can give offence to any judicious and liberalIninded persons, who wish well to reli gion and to their country.

eminent prelates, from 1683 to 1727 inclusive.

To analyse so large a body of correspondence thoroughly, would be impossible. A specimen or two of Bishop Nicolson's writing will sufficiently evince the merit of such letters as have his sig nature subscribed. We have also selected one from Dr. Wilkins to the Bishop, on the subject of his edition of the Saxon Laws.

It consists of two parts; Prose and Poetry, each divided into chapters; containing sentences and paragraphs, narrations, descriptions, dialogues, and miscellaneous pieces. The works selected from, are some of the best in the English library. Much ridicule, well applied, may be seen in "A Letter to the Young Gentle men who write in the Edinburgh Review." In the last publisation which we have to notice under this head, will be found in a very curious collection of "Letters on various Subjects, Literary, Political, and Ecclesiastical, to and from William Nicolson, D. D. successively Bishop of Carlisle, and of Derry, and Archbishop of Cushel." Illustrated with literary and historical Anecdotes, By JonN NICHOLS, F. S. A. E. & P. In two volumes,octavo. Including the correspondence of several

"41. TO MR. LHWYD. "Dear Sir, "Jan. 31, 1697-8. "You will have, about the same time with this, a specimen of my late discoveries, which I promised a week sooner than it was sent. I was forced to keep it longer than I thought on; and, perhaps, you will think it was not worth sending so far at last. There seems to mne to be a great variety of marine remains in the mass; and amongst the rest, I cannot but be persuaded but there are some fair samples of the white and red Coralline moss. Dr. Woodward, to whom I sent some of it, will by no means allow of this fancy. He says, the outward crust of the true natural Coralline, is of the same kind of substance with marble and limestone; and, therefore, his hypothesis having dissolved all these at the deluge, he cannot admit that the other was able to ride it out. I would not offer any thing that might shake the foundations of so fairly promising and hopeful a structure as the Doctor's appears to be. I am clearly for encouraging the ingenious inventors of all new systems, and giving them leave to enjoy the honour, as well as the inward satisfaction of all their pretty opinions. The world is extremely malicious as well as inconstant, so that neither the empires of monarchs nor philosophers can last for ever. You and I need not trouble ourselves, nor run any hazards in oppos ing them in their youth and vigour, what ever we may tacitly think of their principles. This earth of ours was pretty quiet till Copernicus gave it a whirl; and it has never rested since. Tycho's improvements upon that discoverer have had their time; and so have Cartesins's Vortices. These last are now displaced by Mr. Newton's gravity; and that, as the author confesses, has its infirmities. Our last refiners upon the creation and the deluge, are unanimously agreed, that the old interpreters of Moses were all block heads; and which of them will furnish US with a more rational and lasting exposition, time must show. Whether Dr. Barnet's roasted egg, Dr. Woodward's

hasty

hasty pudding, or Mr. Whiston's snuff of a comet, will carry the day, I cannot foresee. Dr. Arbuthnot has well observed, that a successful theory must be built upon many nice enquiries, and not forwardly advanced on the encourage. ment of a few likely phenomena. To this purpose I shall be ever ready to assist any master-builder, by bringing in clay and mortar; and that is all I can pretend to. When Dr. Woodward told me that he could not, for the reasons mentioned, be of my opinion, that there was any such thing as Sea-Coralline in this mass, I desired to know what then he would have me to call it: but he has not yet been pleased to gratify me. Possibly I was too presuming in asking questions of a person, who has given us notice to wait for the solution of all our scruples in his larger work. He has kindly let me see, that a great many of the objections I offered against his theory were already answered in his essay, if I had observed it right; and the rest I must expect, will be as effectually answered hereafter. I suppose you are under no such reserve, and therefore, pray, what is your opinion in the matter? Here seems to be a mighty jumble of seabodies, without the ceremony of taking their places according to the rules, of specific gravity. The bank wherein they are found (at Stainton near Penrith) is twenty miles from the sea. You will find, amongst the rest, some of the Star Entrochi which you prized so highly; and several resemblances of shells which I cannot fellow with any that I have yet found on our shores. "I am, &c. W. N." "P. S. My letter to Wormius is sent to Oxford."

"42. To MR. THWAITES.

«Sir, " March 11, 1697-8. "I thank you for the picture of good Mr. Junius, which I am glad to see prepared for the uses you mention. Were It fit to give judgment of the performances of such masterly hands as Van Dyke's and Mr. Burger's, yet I am no ways able to do it in this case. My acquaintance with that worthy person was very short, and in his last days, when he was near ninety. He came to Oxford only in the Jatter end of 76, and died in the year following at Windsor. I was indeed frequently with him, during his stay there; but, alas! I can remember little more of him than, that he was very kind and communicative, very good, and very old. "Yours, &c. W. N."

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"204. FROM MR. WILKINS. Oxford, Dec. 10, 1716. "My Honoured Lord,

"I finished last week my new Version of the Saxon Laws, according to Lambarde's and Whelock's edition; and am now upon gathering what remains in Spelman's first volume of Councils, and Dr. Hickes's Thesaurus, to my purpose, to give them a new translation. As soon as that is done, I shall think upon my Annotations; and, if his Grace of Canterbury does not want me, I design to go from hence to Cambridge about the latter end of February, to collate Benet College MSS. to my purpose. From Cambridge I shall go to London, to col late what relates to my design out of the Cotton Library. I hope I shall get Tex. tum Roffensem to London, to save my journey and expences. M. Solicitor General has got all Mr. Elstob's labours upon the Saxon Laws; he was pleased to give me hopes of having them. Your Lordship's intercession for it will effectually procure me the use of what I should absolutely have towards completing my edition. I have not heard from Dr. Canon yet; but I hope, when he does remember me, that he will pay M. Chamberlayne the quarter, as I have desired him.

"If I can be serviceable where I am, and whither I go, I humbly beg your Lordship would be pleased to command, my honoured Lord,

"Your Lordship's

"always dutiful son, " and obedient servant. "D. WILKINS." The collection of letters here printed, appears to have been preserved by the learned Primate himself with peculiar attention; and were purchased by the present editor, in 1808, at the sale of the library of the Rev. Edward Marshall, formerly of Clare Hall, Cambridge. Among the correspondents are the wellknown names of Archbishops Sharp, Dawes, Wake, Blackburn, and Boulter; Bishops Gibson. Kennett, Atterbury, Rebinson, and Tanner; together with those of Hickes, Charlet, Pearson, Thoresby, Lhwyd, Woodward, Thwaites, Wilkins, Madox, &c. Of the greater part of whom biographical memoirs, in many instances from materials entirely new, ure given in the notes.

Immediately following the preface are some brief memoirs of Archbishop Nica son lumself.

HALF

HALF-YEARLY RETROSPECT OF FRENCH LITERATURE.

LL wars are more or less dreadful picious to the cause of humanity, in their consequences, and effects. The present one, however, exhibits features of a peculiar kind, and must be allowed to be peculiarly hostile to the best interests of mankind; for social intercourse between neighbouring nations is now cut off, and the press itself is unhappily, confined to the nation, to which it appertains. In this state of affairs, we have re-doubled our efforts, and present the following miscellany to our readers:

HISTORY.

"Recueil de Pièces inédites relatives aux Cartels respectifs de François I. et de Charles V." A Collection of unpublished Papers, relative to the Challenges that passed between Francis I. and Charles V. This is a subject which attracted the whole attention of Europe, at a period when the age of chivalry had not as yet elapsed. It has been treated of by all the historians with no small degree of attention; but it is evident, that they were utterly unacquainted with several of the official documents, contained in this collection, and they were consequently obliged rather to guess at, than to supply, many of the facts. Robertson, indeed, with his usual judgment, for. bears to enter into ininute details, while Gaillard has been at great pains to recite every occurrence, and to repeat all the particulars that he could possibly obtain. For this purpose, he not only consulted the writers of his own time, but had recourse to the Chronicle in the Royal Library, among the manuscripts of Bethune (marked No. 8,471 and 8,472); he even analized such of the official papers as could be obtained, and after disengaging himself from all national prejudices, he fairly avows

"That the projected duel failed, in consequence of the vivacity of Francis I. who, in the audience given to the herald, sent on the part of the Emperor, incessantly interrupted him in the discharge of his functions, refused to hear what he had to say, and finally sent him away, under pretence that it was high time to put an end to words, in order to determine the difference by means of actions."

Garnier, the continuator of Villaret

Histoire de François I. par Gaillard, liv. ii. ch 13.

and Vely, following the narrative of Spanish historian,

endeavours to explain this extrordinary conduct on the part of France, by ob serving, that, before quitting Madrid, Francis had solemnly promised to observe all the conditions of the treaty of Madrid, not only in the quality of a sovereign, but also in that of one gentle man while treating with another, and that the monarch interrupted the heraid, for the express purpose of pre venting the public accusation, that he had violated the laws of chivalry.

The present work contains:"

1. The manifesto of Charles V. after receiving the challenge of Francis I. or rather, the proces-verbal, drawn up by the Secretary, Don Juan Aleman, of all that passed on the reception of this document.

2. The correspondence of Charles V, with the Duke de l'Infantado, which took place, during the period that elapsed, between the audience granted to the French herald, and his return to his master.

This

3. The relation of the journey of the Spanish herald who carried the reply of Charles V. to the court of France, and the different justificatory papers, all of which have been extracted from the archives of Madrid, and translated from the Spanish, by a Frenchman, who had acted in a diplomatic capacity. collection affords a new and satisfactory explanation of the conduct, as well as of the affected delays of Francis; for we learn from the papers now before us, that the monarch was for a long time nego ciating with the Pope, having expressly solicited the intervention of his Holiness, as even he began to feel, that he had brought himself into a ridiculous predicament, by sending a challenge in consequence of being accused of breaking the treaty of Madrid.

It was on the 7th of June, 1528, that Guyenne, the King of Arms of France, arrived at Monzon in Arragon, at five o'clock in the afternoon, accompanied by Gonzale de Montalbo, a gentleman

who had been sent to the frontiers of

Fontarabia, to receive and accompany
him next day; the Count de Vaso..
conducted the herald to
ence with the Emperor, which took
ар audi-
place at four o'clock in the afternoon,
in the palace of Don Hernando, Duke of
Arragon, and Viceroy of Valencia.

"Guyenne,

“Guyenne, clad in his coat of mail, was most honourably accompanied, and the court was composed of prelates, and of lords, who signed all the acts drawn up on the occasion. The king at arms made three profound reverences, on presenting himself at the foot of the throne; after which, putting his knee to the ground, he required a promise, that no violence should be done to his person, and that he should be freely permitted to return to France, after he had devered his message. The Emperor having acquiesced, Guyenne spoke as follows:

"Sire! The King, my master and my sovereign lord, has been informed of every thing that your Majesty commanded to be told to him; but, in respect to what you said, both before and after that message respecting his honour, as he wishes to demonstrate to the whole world, that this remains untouched and without spot, (sauf et sans tuche,) he has commanded me to bring you, by way of reply, the present letter, signed with his own hand.

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I comprehend, that the writing is a challenge of defiance on the part of the King, your master, to me; he has been accustomed to make promises, but not to keep his engagements."—(Roi d'Armes, il suthit; je comprends que cet écrit est un cartel de défi de la personne du Roi, votre maître, à la mienne, ainsi qu'il a coutume de faire, quoiqu'il n'ait pas celle de tenir ses engagemens.)

After this discourse, the Grand Chancellor, in the name of the Emperor, proDounced a protestation in due form, claiming all his rights, stipulated in virtue of the treaties between him and the King of France, &c. asserting, whatever may be the event, that the Emperor would never renounce or prejudice them in any manner whatsoever. When this had been read,

Charles V. once more addressed himself to Guyenne, and spoke as follows:

"King at Arms! although your mas ter hath afforded me more than one legi timate motive to regard and consider the present act as unworthy of attention; yet for the good of Christianity, to avoid a new effusion of blood, and with the view to obtain that peace he has hi therto refused, I consent to esteem him on this occasion, but on no other."

This discourse ended, he received the challenge from the hand of the King at Arms, without either opening, or reading it. While the particulars of the recep tion were drawing up, Gayenne observed to the Emperor," that he could not charge himself with the answer of his Majesty to the King of France, unless it should notify the assurance of the acceptance of a field of battle; and that, in consequence he craved to be permit ted to retire. Charles V. replied fiercely: It does not become the King, your master, to prescribe to me the manner m which I ought to conduct myself; I shall do what is proper on the present eccasion; and as I presume, that an an swer is required to this writing, with which I am to entrust some one belong ing to myself, I demand of you a safa conduct for my herald, as you yourself did not enter Spain without obtaining

one of me."

Guyenne replied-" That not being able to grant a safe conduct himself, be would write for one to the King, his mas ter." On this he retired; but returning back again immediately, and potting one knee to the ground, he said to the Emperor

"Sire! I have also represent to your Majesty, that I am entrusted with anether letter, which contains a reply to the one which you sent from Burgos, to the King, my master; will you be pleased, therefore, Sire, to command your secretary, the Lord Bondanes (le Seigneur Bondanes) to receive it This nobleman accordingly presented himself inmediately, and the King at Arms, having presented the packet to him, retired before the challenge bad been unsealed, The following is a cup of his certificate to the proces-verbal:

"Et moi, le dit Guyenne, Roi d'Armes de France, je certifie en qualité de trai disant, qui est l'ancien, nom de mon office, que les choses ci-dessus rapportées ont été ainsi dites et faites, en foi de quai, &c. "(Signed).

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The "Cartel de Défi de François I. l'Empereur Charles Quint," cominences as follows:

"Nous, par le grâce Dieu, Roi de France, Seigneur de Gênes, &c. à vous, Charles, par le grâce de Dieu, Empereur des Romains, and Roi des Espagnes savoir, faisons:

"Qu'ayant été informé de quelques réponses que vous avez faites aux ambassadeurs et hérauts, que nous avions envoyés aupres de vous, pour le bien de la paix à laquelle vous vous refusiez; réponses dans lesquelles," &c. &c.

In this famous challenge, which was read in a loud voice, first in French, and then in Spanish, the King of France accuses the Emperor,

1st. Of having refused to consent to a peace; and

2d. Of having publicly asserted, that Francis had not accomplished his promises and engagements."

He then adds, that in order to defend our honour, which might be affected in opposition to truth, we have transmitted you this Cartel, although (continues he) according to the laws of your own states, a man detained by force shall not be obliged to perform what he may have promised for the recovery of his liberty, which principle would of itself be deemed a sufficient excuse.

"Yet being resolved to satisfy all and every one, in whatsoever concerns our honour, which we have always maintained unsuspected until now, and which we shall always preserve so (God willing) until the end of our life, we hereby let you know, that if you will not avow, and defend, what you have said respecting our engagements, and our deliverance, and if you shall pretend, that we have Ever cominitted any action which a gentleman firmly attached to his honour would not do, we tell you, that you have tied in your throat, (que vous en avez menti par la gorge, et que vous mentirez toutes les fois qu'il vous arrivera de le dire), and that you lie every time that

you say so.

"And as we have always determined to defend our honour until the latest moment of our life, we wish you not to persist in your assertions, which are contrary to the truth, and request that you will not henceforth write any more, but assure us of your presence in

The Spanish text is gola. When Charles V. heard this passage, he observed, with an air of irony, Que le seul menteur étoit l'auteur du cartel."

MONTHLY MAC No. 187.

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We ourselves

the field of battle. shall be ready; and when all the cere monies have been duly observed, we shall assume our arms, and try the event, if it is so permitted; protesting, at the same time, that if, after this declaration, you write, or say any thing, the shame of delay will entirely attach to you, as this combat is the end and aim of our correspondence.

"Given in our good city of Paris, on the 28th of May, 1528. "FRANCIS."

After the Secretary had concluded, the Emperor addressed his court, which had been assembled on this occasion, in an animated discourse, wherein he recapitu lated all the transactions that had passed between him and the King of France. He concluded, by manifesting his "firm resolution to fight with him, body to body, and take away his life, if it pleased God!" The animosity with which his Majesty pronounced these last words, manifested the rage with which his royal bosom was filled upon this occasion.

On the 10th of June, his Imperial Majesty assembled his council, consisting of eleven persons, viz. the Archbishop of Tarragona, the Chancellor of Aragon, the Bishop of Barcelona, the Archbishop of Saragossa, the Bishop of Siguenza, the Duke Don Hernando of Aragon, Viceroy of Valentia, the Duke de Cordova, the Marquis de Pallas, and the Counts de Bénavente, d'Aranda, de Ribagorza, and de Fuentes. He then recited a concise discourse to them, in the course of which he demanded the advice of each in writing, within the term of eight days. His Majesty, at the same time, addressed a letter to the Duke de l'Infantado, to whom he observed, that "he had voluntarily determined to expose his person, in single combat, with King Francis, over whom, with the aid of God, and by incans of the justice, of his cause, which was manifest to a the world, he hoped to be able to obtain the victory."

The reply of the Duke d'lafantado abounds with good sense, and exhibits an uncommon share of discretion. After stating the honour done him, and the embarassments into which he had been thrown, by the demand of giving advice on a subject, in which the character of the greatest Sovereign in the universe was interested, he proceeds to state his own sentiments, with a noble ardour and simplicity, leaving it to the courageous mind of his Sovereign finally to deter mine."

Supposing," says he, that my ad

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versary

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