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3. It gives occasion for envy by-
(a.) Abating industry.

(b.) The advance of inferiors.

4. It renders nobles less liable to be envied.

5. Common people naturally obey men of noble birth.

XV. OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES. (1625.) SHEPHERDS of people had need know the Calendars1 of tempests in state, which are commonly greatest when things grow to equality;2 as natural tempests are greatest about the equinoctia; and as there are certain hollow blasts of wind and secret swellings of seas before a tempest, so are there in states:

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'Ille etiam cæcos instare tumultus

Sæpe monet, fraudesque et operta tuinescere bella.'4 Libels and licentious discourses against the state, when they are frequent and open; and in like sort false news, often running up and down, to the disadvantage of the state, and hastily embraced, are amongst the signs of troubles. Virgil, giving the pedigree of Fame, saith she was sister to the giants :

'Illam Terra parens, irâ irritata Deorum,

Extremam (ut perhibent) Coo Enceladoque sororem
Progenuit.'s

As if fames were the relics of Seditions past; but they are no less indeed the preludes of Seditions to come. Howsoever he noteth it right, that seditious tumults and seditious fames differ no more but as brother and sister, masculine and feminine; especially if it come to that, that the best actions of a state, and the most plausible, and which ought to give greatest contentment, are taken in ill sense and traduced:8 for that shows the envy great, as Tacitus saith, 'Conflatâ magna invidiâ, seu bene, seu male, gesta premunt.'9 Neither doth it follow, that because these fames are a sign of troubles, that 10 the suppressing of them with too much severity should

be a remedy of troubles; for the despising of them many times checks them best, and the going about 11 to stop them doth but make a wonder long-lived.

Also that kind of obedience, which Tacitus speaketh of, is to be held suspected: 'Erant in officio, sed tamen qui mallent imperantium mandata interpretari, quam exsequi;'12 disputing, excusing, cavilling upon mandates and directions, is a kind of shaking off the yoke, and assay 13 of disobedience; especially if in those disputings they which are for 14 the direction speak fearfully and tenderly, and those that are against it audaciously.

Also, as Machiavel noteth well, when princes, that ought to be common parents, 15 make themselves as a party, and lean to a side, it is as a boat that is overthrown by uneven weight on the one side; as was well seen in the time of Henry the Third of France; for first himself entered League 16 for the extirpation of the Protestants, and presently after the same League was turned upon himself: for when the authority of princes is made but an accessary 17 to a cause, and that there be other bands 18 that tie faster than the band of sovereignty, kings begin to be put almost out of possession.

Also, when discords, and quarrels, and factions, are carried openly and audaciously, it is a sign the reverence of government is lost; for the motions of the greatest persons in a government ought to be as the motions of the planets under 'primum mobile,' 19 according to the old opinion, which is, that every 20 of them is carried swiftly by the highest motion, and softly in their own motion; and therefore, when great ones in their own particular motion move violently, and as Tacitus expresseth it well, 'liberius quam ut imperantium meminissent,' 21 it is a sign the orbs are out of frame: for reverence is that wherewith princes are girt from God, who threateneth the dissolving thereof;22 Solvam cingula

regum.'

So when any of the four pillars of government are mainly shaken or weakened (which are Religion, Justice, Counsel, and Treasure), men had need to pray for fair

weather. But let us pass from this part of predictions (concerning which, nevertheless, more light 23 may be taken from that which followeth), and let us speak first of the materials of Seditions; then of the motives of them; and thirdly of the remedies.

Concerning the materials of Seditions, it is a thing. well to be considered; for the surest way to prevent Seditions (if the times do bear it 24) is to take away the matter of them; for if there be fuel prepared, it is hard to tell whence the spark shall come that shall set it on fire. The matter of Seditions is of two kinds; much poverty and much discontentment. It is certain-so many overthrown estates, so many votes for troubles.25 Lucan noteth well the state of Rome before the civil

war:

'Hinc usura vorax, rapidumque in tempore fœnus,
Hinc concussa fides, et multis utile bellum.' 26

This same 'multis utile bellum' is an assured and infallible sign of a state disposed to Seditions and Troubles; and if this poverty and broken estate in the better sort be joined with a want and necessity in the mean people, the danger is imminent and great for the rebellions of the belly 27 are the worst. As for discontentments, they are in the politic body like to humours in the natural, which are apt to gather a preternatural heat and to inflame; and let no prince measure the danger of them by this-whether they be just or unjust: for that were to imagine people to be too reasonable, who do often spurn at their own good; nor yet by this, whether the griefs whereupon they rise 28 be in fact great or small; for they are the most dangerous discontentments where the fear is greater than the feeling: 'Dolendi modus, timendi non item;' 29 besides, in great oppressions, the same things that provoke the patience, do withal mate 30 the courage; but in fears it is not so; neither let any prince or state be secure 81 concerning discontentments, because they have been often, or have been long, and yet no peril hath ensued for as it is true that every vapour or fume doth not turn into a storm, so it is nevertheless true that

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:

storms, though they blow over divers times, yet may fall at last; and, as the Spanish proverb noteth well, 'The cord breaketh at the last by the weakest pull.

The causes and motives of Seditions are, innovation in religion, taxes, alteration of laws and customs, breaking of privileges, general oppression, advancement of unworthy persons, strangers, 32 dearths, disbanded soldiers, factions grown desperate; and whatsoever in offending people joineth and knitteth them in a common cause.

For the remedies, there may be some general preservatives, whereof we will speak: as for the just 33 cure, it must answer to the particular disease; and so be left to counsel rather than rule.

The first remedy, or prevention, is to remove, by all means possible, that material cause of Sedition whereof we spake, which is, want and poverty in the estate; 34 to which purpose serveth the opening and well-balancing of trade; 35 the cherishing of manufactures; the banishing of idleness; the repressing of waste and excess, by sumptuary laws; the improvement and husbanding of the soil; the regulating of prices of things vendible; the moderating of taxes and tributes, and the like. Generally, it is to be foreseen that the population of a kingdom (especially if it be not mown down by wars) do not exceed the stock 36 of the kingdom which should maintain them: neither is the population to be reckoned only by number; for a smaller number, that spend more and earn less, do wear out an estate sooner than a greater number that live lower and gather more: therefore the multiplying of nobility, and other degrees of quality,37 in an over proportion to the common people, doth speedily bring a state to necessity; and so doth likewise an overgrown clergy, for they bring nothing to the stock; and, in like manner, when more are bred scholars than preferments can take off.38

It is likewise to be remembered, that, forasmuch, as the increase of any estate must be upon the foreigner 39 (for whatsoever is somewhere gotten is somewhere lost), there be but three things which one nation selleth

unto another-the commodity, as nature yieldeth it; the manufacture; and the vecture, or carriage-so that, if these three wheels go, wealth will flow as in a spring tide. And it cometh many times to pass, that, ‘materiam superabit opus,' 40 that the work and carriage is more worth than the material, and enricheth a state more: as is notably seen in the Low Countrymen, who have the best mines 41 above ground in the world.

Above all things, good policy is to be used, that the treasure and moneys in a state be not gathered into few hands; for, otherwise, a state may have a great stock, and yet starve: and money is like muck,42 not good except it be spread. This is done chiefly by suppressing, or, at least, keeping a strait 43 hand upon the devouring trades of usury, engrossing great pasturages, and the like.

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For removing discontentments, or, at least, the danger of them, there is 45 in every state (as we know) two portions of subjects, the Noblesse and the Commonalty. When one of these is discontent,46 the danger is not great; for common people are of slow motion, if they be not excited by the greater sort; and the greater sort are of small strength, except the multitude be apt and ready to move of themselves: then is the danger, when the greater sort do but wait for the troubling of the waters amongst the meaner, that then they may declare themselves. The poets feign that the rest of the gods would have bound Jupiter; which he hearing of, by the counsel of Pallas, sent for Briareus, with his hundred hands to come in to his aid: an emblem, no doubt, to show how safe 47 it is for monarchs to make sure of the goodwill of common people.

To give moderate liberty for griefs and discontentments to evaporate (so it be without too great insolency or bravery 48), is a safe way: for he that turneth the humours back, and maketh the wound bleed inwards, endangereth malign ulcers and pernicious imposthumations.49

The part of Epimetheus 50 might well become Prometheus, in the case of discontentments, for there is not

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