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disrelish which is little more positive than indifference. The facts of the Gospel were mighty when they were recent." With great power gave the apostles witness of the resurrection." But this fact, and other facts of which it is the proof, although they deserve the attention of every age as much as that of the apostles, are now regarded by the many with the same coldness, almost, as any event of a remote antiquity. It is therefore much more necessary for us than it was for the first Christians, to bring the Gospel home to individuals and urge it on their thoughts, that they may be induced and prepared to attend with interest and profit on the public ordinances of religion. Jews and Gentiles would go to hear the apostles preach without solicitation. Their preaching was the wonder of the day. Here there is a large proportion of the population who will not come to our churches of their own accord. There is no other way but to search them out and compel them to come in. The Spirit of God has as much power now as he ever had; but our circumstances are different, and our means must consequently be varied. When Christianity was first introduced, supernatural means had to be employed. Now it has obtained a footing in the world, and it is suitable that the labors of the people of God should take the place of supernatural means. The engagement of the attention, and the impression of the mind, so far as it is made to depend on the use of means, once accomplished by the miraculous facts of the Gospel, should now be effected through the instrumentality of Christian effort.

The importance of the stated preaching of the Gospel cannot be too highly estimated. But it can affect, directly, only so many as present themselves in the house of God. There is, in every parish where the Gospel is statedly and publicly preached, a missionary field, in respect to which the command to preach to every creature may be more appropriately applied, if possible, than in respect to pagan nations. This missionary work is not a substitute for public instruction on the Sabbath, nor can there be any interference between the two methods of promoting the cause of Christ. On the contrary, the presentation of the truth to individuals must be an aid to the public labors of the ministry. It will increase the number of attendants on public worship, and with the blessing of God, the number of members of the churches.. If there is collision anywhere, it will be between the different religious denominations.

But the fear of incurring the charge of proselytism, must not deter Christians from the effort to evangelize our whole population. Our division into sects, when it renders us jealous of all attempts to convert those who are not embraced within the limits of our parishes, is a departure from the true faith and the true church, and the worst kind of heresy. The consequence of regard for this sectarian jealousy will be, that we shall value at a higher rate the prosperity of our denominations than the cause of Christ, and through fear of giving offence to some branch of the church, shall resign to the kingdom of Satan those who might be saved. We shall sacrifice the interests of the Redeemer's kingdom to the supposed interests of rival sects. What would this be, but that "heresy" which Paul connects with

"hatred, variance, emulations, wrath, strife," and "seditions," and which he denominates "works of the flesh," and opposes to "the fruit of the Spirit ?" A large proportion of our population in every part of the country, but particularly in the West, have none to care for their souls. Christian truth has little more direct influence over their minds than if they were pagans. They are near enough to the light to have an increased amount of responsibility, but not near enough to receive actual moral benefit from their situation. They could place themselves under the influence of divine truth, but they do not; Christians do not carry them the Gospel; and the consequence is, that they perish in the midst of a land of Bibles and Sabbaths. If any denomination of Christians which has essential, saving truth, should seek to bring these wandering sheep within their fold, let us bid them "God speed." There is not so strong a spirit of rivalry among us, I should hope, that we should prefer none would enter heaven, unless they found admission through the doors of our denomination.

Besides, we can easily avoid the temptation to regard with jealousy denominational attempts to extend the influence of Christian truth. The kind of effort to which I refer can be made by all our evangelical denominations in common. It need not be prosecuted with reference to the connection of individuals with any one of our congregations. All who love the Bible can unite in an effort to place it in the hands of those who do not possess it. There is no proselytism in this. The Bible distributor can converse seriously with the neglecter of Gospel ordinances concerning the interests of his soul, without introducing the subject of baptism, or episcopacy, or methodism, or presbyterianism. He can leave with him a tract in which every allusion to denominational peculiarities shall be omitted. He can pray with him in language which becomes the mouth of every penitent sinner, whether he be of one order or another. Such a union of action has been found practicable; it should be encouraged. Let us cooperate as far as we are able, and where we must separate, let us separate with good-will. Above all things, let us not cherish a spirit of separation. Let us rejoice when any wandering soul returns to Christ, whatever form of Christianity he may think fit to assume.

Without that individual application of the Gospel for which I contend, there is reason to apprehend that infidelity will become generally prevalent.

The Gospel is not, like one of the necessaries of this life, an article in general demand, which men will seek if it be not carried to them. Men naturally hate the light, and they will not come to the light, lest their deeds should be reproved. The Gospel is wanted to enlighten the very power which should judge of its worth, and to waken in the soul a sense of its own spiritual necessities. Men are inclined, either from aversion or stupidity, to absent themselves from the ordinances of religion. The neglect of the means of grace will become general among those who do not feel a personal interest in divine things, when it ceases to be disreputable not to attend upon them. And this will happen, when religion ceases to be aggressive, and the church is con

tented just to maintain the position she has won. When the number of the pious diminishes by death, and their places are unsupplied by new recruits from among the unbelievers, public sentiment will be formed by the ungodly, and will be shaped according to their wishes. What is reputable and disreputable will then be determined by the opposers of religion. We must not be satisfied with opening places of worship where the people may hear the word of God, if such shall be their pleasure. We must carry the Gospel to them individually; we must, if possible, awaken in their minds a feeling of their need of salvation; we must set before them inducements sufficient to bring them to the house of God. Only thus shall we secure that a majority of our American population do not become infidel, or, I should rather say, atheistic, in sentiment and practice. As a nation, we may

be "without God in the world," if the method of extending the influence of the Gospel now insisted on, be not more thoroughly prosecuted by the church.

Not more than one seventh part of our whole population is included in churches which, by the utmost stretch of charity, can be regarded as evangelical. Can it be supposed that more than two sevenths, in addition to the church members, attend on the public services of religion? A majority of the people of this country, it is probable, live without instruction in the saving truths of the Gospel. The consequence of this state of things, if not speedily corrected, must be the deepest moral debasement. From long absence from the house of God, and never hearing the names of God and the Saviour uttered except in blasphemy, our people may come to think that there is nothing more in our religion than in the idle dreams of superstition. They may lose their faith in any reality but that which strikes their senses. They may take a step beyond the unbelief of the speculative infidel, who feels it to be necessary to maintain his opposition to Christianity by reason. Exclusive occupancy of the mind for months and years with the interests of the present world, may induce utter forgetfulness of God. They may lose all apprehension of his existence, much more of his holy spiritual law, and of their need of salvation through Jesus Christ. It may be a thing of course with them that there is nothing better for a man than present enjoyment, nothing worse than the suffering and death of the body.

With this stupid infidelity, there will be united, in the case of great numbers, disregard of the laws of morality. A life of virtue is the happiest life; but men whose whole object is the attainment of earthly happiness, are, with difficulty, persuaded of it. Strong temptation overpowers their faith. A present enjoyment appears to them more desirable than the avoidance of a future, and (in their view) uncertain evil. They will sooner incur any risk than suffer an irksome selfdenial. They blind themselves to the most obvious consequences of their vices, through the influence of unlawful desire. They act with the utmost fool-hardiness, often. They hope the laws of nature will be changed to accommodate their wishes. The laws of evidence, they imagine, will be suspended to favor their concealment. Effects, which to themselves appear inevitable the moment an action is done,

in the heat of passion, seem quite improbable. Let a sense of religion cease to influence the community, and worldly interest become the sole restraining principle, and vice and crime, in every form, would abound.

I may mention here the danger, or rather the certainty, that popular corruption would infuse itself into our government, and that a corrupt government would react upon, and more thoroughly vitiate the morals of the people, if, through the neglect of Christians, those who have the control in our national affairs, the majority, should be infidels or atheists. Our government will be what we, the people, may choose to make it. An irreligious nation will have irreligious rulers. Our national Executive and Legislature will reflect the character of those from whom their power is derived. The blessing of self-government may thus become the bane of its possessors. And how fearful is the responsibility of those who may place in stations of the highest civil authority men who will not hesitate, for some sinister purpose, to trample on the laws of the land, and the principles of morality and religion! A person acting in his individual capacity, does injury by unprincipled conduct within a comparatively narrow circle, and with a power of influence comparatively feeble. A person clothed with the authority of President of this republic, who violates his oath of office, or commits an act of flagrant injustice, becomes an example of wickedness to the whole people-an example which is unspeakably more seductive, because it carries with it the vast influence of the highest office in the gift of the people. The party which places the President in his chair, seldom fails to sustain him in all his measures. By the fact of defending his wrong measures, the party participates in the guilt of its President, and shares in his responsibility. Thus, the bad actions of men in high official stations are a thousandfold more corrupting than those of men in private life. The right of self-government is a valuable safeguard; it is also a most solemn trust. Through it the people can inflict on their country an irreparable moral injury. By means of the elective franchise, they can confer on an individual a power of influence to deprave the national morals, equal, I had almost said, to their whole united influence. Through their agent, the President of the Republic, they can unite in perpetrating wickedness on the largest scale.

It is common to insist that our government is in danger of being subverted through the influence of irreligion among our people. Is it not a juster cause for alarm, that the morality of our government may be subverted, and that the government may continue to stand, a mighty engine of moral evil? The danger does not seem to me to be at so great a distance that it should excite no apprehension. We choose our rulers by simple majorities. The character of the nation, as a whole, may not be very depraved, and yet the power may be in the hands of the wicked, and it may be abused in the appointment to office of the most unprincipled men. Does the religious community now compose so large a proportion of the nation, that it is thought to be important to consult their wishes in the selection of candidates for office? Do they not often feel constrained to sustain such candidates

as are put forward, without regard to their preferences, candidates whom the people will suffer to be elected, but not such as they themselves can approve? We support the "available" candidates, in other words, those whom the war spirit, or the spirit of opposition, or of encroachment, or rapacity, or revolution, will sustain. Our candidates must not be unacceptable to the irreligious many. In selecting between them, we make a choice between evils; we vote for him from whom we have the least to fear. We do not like to take the responsibility of proposing a third candidate, and increasing thus the chances of success of the worst, satisfying ourselves, as well as we can, with the hope that our man, if we should elect him, will, as our agent, and in the public business which we commit to his care, pursue an upright, honorable course. And when our utmost efforts are unavailing, and the people choose to place in the chair of state the most objectionable candidate, as we suppose, we are oppressed with sorrow from the anticipation that some grievous national wrong will be done by him, and we shall suffer moral disgrace and ruin.

It may be thought that Christians could form a Christian party, and, by holding the balance of power, bring one or the other of the two great political divisions of the people to respect their wishes. I should fear that such a party would become corrupt, and dishonor the cause they would espouse. An organized body holding political power, will be courted by persons of ambitious views, who will make the fairest professions for the sake of office. The support of such men would bring discredit on the party, and a stain upon religion. A party which should appeal to the lust for office in a candidate by holding out its support as a lure to his ambition, whatever might be the worth of the end for which it used the person bought by such a bribe, would be already corrupt.

There is a more excellent way. Looking to God for aid, let us undertake what, in the judgment of all, must be a truly Christian enterprise; let us pursue religious ends by religious means; let us seek the conversion of those who have political power in their hands, and the extermination of the cause of our danger: and this, not merely by providing the institutions of the Gospel for those who habituaily frequent the house of God, and in whose respect for virtue, and hatred of every wrong and injustice, we feel the most confidence, but by bringing the claims of the Gospel home to the consciences of our whole population. Our only hope is in a thorough evangelization of our country. And this involves the primitive mode of effort, where "in every house" the apostles "ceased not to teach and preach Jesus Christ."

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