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to be regretted that mistaken ambition or the hope of | is a great curse-one of the greatest evils that could have promoting a party triumph should have tempted any been interwoven into our system. ,1, Nr. Chairman, am yne to raise this question again. But in an evil hour this one of those whom these poor wretches call master; I do Pandora's box of slavery was again opened by what I not task them; I feed and clothe theni well; but yet, conceive to be an unjustifiable attempt to force Slavery | alas ! sir, they are slaves, and Slavery is a curse in any into Kansas by a repeal of the M.ssouri Compromise, and shape. It is, no doubt, true that there are persons in the floods of evils now swelling and threatening to over- Europe far more degraded than our slaves, worse fed, throw the Constitution, and sweep away the foundation worse clothed, etc.; but, sir, this is far from proving that of the Government itself, and deluge this land with fra- negroes ought to be slaves. ternal blood, may all be traced to this unfortunate act. John Randolph, of Virginia.-Sir, I envy neither the Whatever might have been the motive, few acts have head nor heart of that man from the North who rises bere er been so barren of good, and so fruitful of evil.

to defend Slavery upon inciple. EDWARD EVERETT'S OPINIONS ON SLAVERY.

MR. CAMBRELENG'S V!EWS. The following is an extract of a speech of Churchill C. Cambreleng, of N. Y., (formerly of N. C.) Mr. Everett, delivered in the House of Represen. --The gentleman from Massachusetts has gone too far. tatives, March 9, 1826. (See Benton's Abridg- out animadversion. I heard them with equal surprise and ment of Congressional Debates, vol. 8, page regret. I was astonished to hear him declare that Slavery 711.)

-domestic Slavery-say what you will, is a condition of

life, as well as any other, to be justified by morality, reliHaving, touched upon this point, I ought, perhaps, to gion,

and international law; and when at the close of his add that, if there are any members in this House of that opinion he solemnly declared that this was his confession class of politicians to whom the gentleman from North of faith, I lamented, sincerely lamented, that Carolina Mr. Saunders) alluded, as having the disposition, though not the power, to disturb the compromise contained

“Star-eyed Science should have wandered there in the Constitution on this point, I am not of the number.

To bring us back the message of despair.” Neither am I one of those citizens of the North, to whom If, sir, among the wild visions of German philosophy ? another honorable gentleman referred, in a publication to had ever reached conclusions like this; if in the Aulæ of which his name was subscribed, who would think it im- Gottingen I had ever persuaded myself to adopt a politimoral and irreligious to join in putting down a servile in-cal maxim so hostile to liberal institutions and the rights surrection at the South: I am no soldier, sir ;, my habits of mankind, I would have locked it up forever in the darkand education are very unmilitary, but there is no cause est chambers of my mind. Or if my zeal had been too in which I would sooner buckle a knapsack to my back, ardent for my discretion, this place, at least, should never and put a musket on my shoulder, than that. I would have been the theatre of my eloquence. No, sir, if such cede the whole continent to any one who would take it had been my doctrines I would have turned my back forto England, to France, to Spain ; I would see it sunk in ever on my native land. Following the course of "the the bottom of the ocean before I would see any part of dark rolling Danube," and cutting my way across the this fair America converted into a continental Hayti, by Euxine, I would have visited a well-known market of Conthat awful process of bloodshed and desolation, by which stantinople, and there preached my doctrine amidst the alone such a catastrophe could be brought on. The great rattling chains of the wretched captives. Nay, sir, I relation of servitude, in some form or other, with greater would have gone from thence, and laid my forehead upon or less departure from the theoretic equality of man, is the footstool of the Sultan, and besought him to set his inseparable from our nature. I know of no way by which foot upon my neck, as the recreant citizen of a recreant the form of this servitude shall be fixed, but political insti- Republic. tution, Domestic Slavery though, I confess, not that form of servitude which seems to be the most beneficial to EDWARD EVERETT ON GEOGRAPHICAL PARTIES. the master--certainly not that which is most beneficial to

But, sir, I am not prepared to admit that geographical tre servant-is not, in my judgment, to be set down as an parties are the greatest evil this country has to fear, inmoral and irreligious relation. I cannot admit that re'gion has but one voice to the slave, and that this voice our institutions; and I will not take up the time of this

Party, of all kinds, in its excess, certainly the bane of is, “ Rise against your Master.”. No, sir; the New Testa- Committee by disputing which is most deleterious, arsenic ment says, “Slaves, obey your Masters ;” and, though I or laudanum. It is enough that they are both fatal. The know full well that, in the benignant operation of Chris- evil of geographical parties is, that they tend to sever the wanity, which gathered master and slave around the same Union. The evil of domestic parties is, that they render communion-table, this unfortunate institution disappeared the Union not worth having. I remember the time, sir, in Europe, yet I cannot admit that, while it subsists, and though I was but a boy, when under the influence of do: where it subsists, its duties are not presupposed and sanc mestic parties, near neighbors did not speak; when old tioned by religion. I certainly am not called upon to acquaintances glared at each other as they passed in the meet the charges brought against this institution, yet truth streets; when you might wreak on a man all the bitterness obliges me to say a word more on the subject. I know of your personal and private enmity, and grind him into the condition of working classes in other countries; I am the dust, if you had the power, and say, he is a Democrat, intimately acquainted with it in some other countries, and he is a Federalist; he deserves it. Yes, sir, when party I have no hesitation in saying that I believe the slaves in spirit pursued its victim from the halls of legislation, from this country are better clothed and fed, and less hardly the forum, from the market-place, to what should be the worked, than the peasantry of some of the most prosper sanctuary of the fireside, and filled hearts that would have ous States of the continent of Europe. Consider the

bled to spare each other a pang, with coldness and eschecks on population. What keeps population down? Poverty, want, starvation, disease, and all the ills of life; There does not live the man, I thank God, on earth, to

trangement. Talk not to me of your geographical parties. it is these that check population all over the world. Now, ward whom I hảve an unkind'emotion-one whose rights the slave population of the United States increases faster I would invade, whose feelings I would wound.

But if than the white, masters included. What is the inference there ever should be a man to whom I should stand in as to the physical condition of the two classes of society? that miserable relation, I pray that mountains may rise, These are opinions I have long entertained, and long that rivers may roll between us—that he may never cross since publicly professed on this subject, and which I here repeat in answer to the intimations to which I have al- my path, nor I his, to turn the sweetness of human nature ready alluded. But, sir, when Slavery comes to enter the House of Representatives, 1826.-Benton's De

into bitterness and gall in both our bosoms.-Speech in into the

Constitution as a political element when it comes bates, vol. 8, P. 718. to affect the distribution of power amongst the States of the Union, that is a matter of agreement. If I make an MR. EVERETT'S VIEWS IN 1837 and 39. agreement on this subject, I will adhere to it like a man; but I will protest against any inferences being made from Oct. 14th, 1837, Hon. Wm. Jackson, of Newit like that which was made by the honorable mover of ton, Mass., wrote to Mr. Everett a long letter well as votes, being increased by the ratio of three-éifths containing the following questions: of the Slaves.

Do justice, humanity, and sound policy, alike reMR. MITCHELL'S VIEWS.

quire that the slaves of this country should be emanci.

pated ? Mr. Mitchell, of Tennessee.-Sir, I do not go the length Is it the right and duty of the citizens of the nonof the gentleman from Massachusetts, and hold that the slaveholding States to require of the General Governexistence of Slavery in this country is almost a blessing. ment the abolition of Slavery in the District of CoOn the contrary, I am firmly settled in the opinion that it lumbia ?

are

Is it just or safe, with regard to our foreign relations | it. I will only say, that if, at this moment, when an allend domestic compact, to admit Texas into the Union ? important experiment is in train, to abolish Slavery by

peaceful and legal means in the British West Indies, MR. EVERETT'S REPLY.

the United States, instead of imitating their example, or

even awaiting the result, should rush into a policy of Boston, 318t October, 183),

giving an indefinite extension to Slavery over a vast Sir: I have duly received your communication of the region incorporated into their Union, we should stand 14th inst., in which you desire to be furnished with my condemned before the civilized world.' It would be vain views on certain questions therein propounded. Under to expect to gain credit for any further professions of a other circumstances, I should deem it proper to preface willingness to be rid of Slavery as soon as possible. No my answer with some preliminary remarks, but my en- extenuation of its existence, on the ground of its having gagements at the present time compel me to reply as been forced upon the country in its colonial state, would concisely as possible.

any longer avail us. It would be thought, and thought In answer to the first question, I observe, that Slavery justly, that lust of power and lust of gold had made us being, by universal admission, a social, political, and deaf to the voice of humanity and justice. We should moral evil of the first magnitude, it is required by jus- be self-convicted of the enormous crime of having votice, humanity, and sound policy that the slaves should luntarily given the greatest possible enlargement to an be emancipated by those having constitutionally the evil, which, in concert with the rest of mankind, we power to effect that object, as soon as it can be done had affected to deplore, and that at a time when tho peacefully, and in a manner to better the condition of public sentiment of the civilized world, more than at the emancipated. I believe the most considerate por- any former period, is aroused to its magnitude. tion of the people of the United States, in every quarter, There are other objections to the measure drawn from unite in this sentiment; and you are aware that the its bearing on our foreign relations; but it is unnecesmost eminent Southern names can be cited in its sup- sary to discuss them. port.

I am, sir, respectfully, In reply to the second question, I would remark, that

Your obedient servant, all the considerations in favor of emancipation in the

EDWARD EVERETT. States, apply with equal force to the District of Co- Hon. WILLIAM JACKSON, lumbia. My opinions on this subject are fully expressed in the resolution adopted by the legislature last winter, In 1839, the following questions were put to with a near approach to unanimity, in the following Mr. Everett by Hon. A. Borden, of Massachu. terms: “ Resolved, That Congress having exclusive legislation in the District of Columbia, possesses the right to

setts : abolish Slavery in the said District, and that its exercise

1. Are you in favor of immediate abolition by law of should only be l'estrained by regard to the public Slavery in the District of Columbia and of the slave traffie good."

between the States of this Union ? I know that the slave-trade is carried on to a shocking

2. Are you opposed to the admission into the Union of extent in the District of Columbia. There is no part of

any new States the constitutions of which tolerate domesthe South, where it is reputable to be engaged in this tic Slavery? traffic; and no Southern State, I am persuaded, would permit its existence in its own capital, as it exists at the

The following was Mr. Everett's reply: national capital. The South and the North ought to

WASHINGTON, Oct 24, 1889. unite in prohibiting it, by act of Congress—which is the

DEAR SIR : On Saturday last I only received your letlocal legislature of the District. This has been loudly ter of the 18th, propounding to me certain interrogato called for, froi the District itself. I have before me a ries, and earnestly requesting an early answer.

YO copy of a petition, couched in very strong, language, aware that several resolves on the subject of these inagainst bothi Slavery and the slave-trade in the District quiries and their kindred topics, accompanied by a roof Columbia, which was presented to Congress in 1824, Bigned by nearly seven hundred and fifty names of port, were introduced into the Senate of the Commons citizens of Wash ngton, several of whom were known to

wealth, year before last, by a joint committee of the two me to be of the first consideration. I may observe in houses, of which the lamented Mr. Alvord was chairthis connection, that at the same session, I voted in the negative on a motion to lay upon the table the petition

Those resolves, after having been somewhat enlarged by of the American Anti-Slavery Society for the abolition of amendment, were adopted by the legislature. They apSlavery in the District of Columbia, and on two other pear to cover the whole ground of your two interroga

tories. Having cheerfully coöperated in the passage of motions, intended, in like manner, to deprive this class

the resolves, and concurring in the general reasoning by of petitions of a respectful reception and considera

which they are sustained in the powerful report of the tion.

chairman of the committee, I respond to both your inThe last question propounded by you refers to the annexation of Texas. It presents the subject of Sla- quiries in the affirmative.

The first of the three subjects in your inquiry is the very, in most of its bearings, in a new light. In the States, its introduction was the result of a legislation only one of them which came before Congress while I fo.ced upon the colonies, and in many cases, in despite to lay upon the table the petition of the American Anti

I voted in the negative on the motion of acts passed by their legislators, for the prohibition Slavery Society for the abolition of Slavery in the Disof the slave-trade, and regulated by the crown. istence is recognized by the Constitution of the United trict of Columbia, and on other motions of the like char. States. The rights of property growing out of it are in acter introduced to cast off the consideration of this class some degree protected by law in the non-slaveholding

of petitions. States (see the opinion of Chief Justice Shaw in the

I am, dear sir, very respectfully, your friend and ser

vant. case of the Commonwealth 08, Aves—an opinion in the

EDWARD EVERETT. doctrines and principles of which I fully concur); and

Hon. NATHANIEL A. BORDEN. morality and religion frown on all attempts to put an end to it by violence and bloodshed. But none of these

The " several resolves" to which Mr. Everett principles countenance a voluntary extension of Slavery; and as the question of annexing Texas is one of volun” refers in the above letter, in the passage of tary, and almost boundless estension, it presents the which he “cheerfully coöperated," as Governor subject, as I have said, in a new light. It has been offi- of Massachusetts, are as follows: cially stated by the Texan Envoy that the region so called contains two hundred thousand square miles. In Resolved, That Congress has, by the Constitution, other words, it might form twenty-five States power to abolish Slavery and the slave-trade in the Dis. large as Massachusetts. In this vast region, Slavery trict of Columbia, and that there is nothing in the terms was prohibited by Mexico; it has been restored, and is or circumstances of the acts of cession by Virginia and rapidly spreading itself under the new government; Maryland, or otherwise, enforcing any legal or moral and no one denies, that if the independence of Texas is restraint on its existence. sustained, Slavery will be indefinitely extended through- Resowed, That Congress ought to take measures to out its ample borders.

effect the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia. The Executive Government of the United States has Resowed, That the rights of humanity, the claims of promptly recognized this independence, and by so doing, justice, and the common good alike, demand the suphas discharged the whole duty that could be required by pression by Congress of the slave-trade carried on in the law of uations, Whatever step we take toward an- and through the District of Columbia. Dexation is gratuitous. This whole subject has been so Resolved, That Congress has, by the Constitution, ably discussed by Dr. Channing, in his recent letter to power to abolish Slavery in the Territories of the United Mr. Clay, that it would be superfluous to enlarge upon States.

man.

as

(For later views of Mr. Everett, see his letter a fusion of the Republicans with the other Opposition eleaccepting the nomination for the Vice-Presi- ments in the campaign of 1860, has been received.

Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent State, and dency in 1860.]

I have no right to advise her in her policy. Yet, if any

one is desirous to draw a conclusion as to what I would ABRAHAM LINCOLN ON THOMAS JEFFERSON. do, from what she has done, I may speak without improMr. Lincoln having been invited by the Re- sachusetts provision, I am against its adoption, not only

priety. I say, then, that so far as I understand the Maspublicans of Boston, to attend a Festival in in Illinois, but in every other place in which I have the honor of the anniversary of Jefferson's birthday, right to oppose it. As I understand the spirit of our in on the 13th of Apri 1859, replied as follows: I am, therefore, hostile to anything that tends to their de

basement. SPRINGFIELD, III., April 6, 1859.

It is well known that I deplore the oppressed condition GENTLEMEN : Your kind note, inviting me to attend a of the blacks; and it would, therefore, be very inconsistent festival in Boston, on the 13th inst., in hunor of the birth- for me to look with approval upon any measures that inday of Thomas Jefferson, was duly received. My engage: fringes upon the inalienable rights of white men, whether ments are such that I cannot attend. Bearing in mind or not they are born in another land, or speak a different that about seventy years ago two great political parties language from my own. were first formed in this country; that Thomas Jefferson was the head of one of them and Buston the headquarters can be effected on Republican principles, but upon no

In respect to a fusion, I am in favor of it whenever it, of the other, it is both curious and interesting that those other condition. A fusion upon any other platform supposed to descend politically from the party opposed would be as insane as unprincipled. It would thereby to Jefferson, should now be celebrating his birthday in lose the whole North, while the common enemy would their own original seat of empire, while those claiming still have the support of the entire South. The question political descent from him have nearly ceased to breathe in relation to men is different. There are good and patri. his name everywhere.

otic men and able statesmen in the South, whom I would Remembering, too, that the Jefferson party was formed willingly support if they would place themselves on Re. upon its supposed superior devotion to the personal publican ground; but I shall oppose the lowering of the rights of men, holding the rights of property to be Republican standard even by a hair's breadth. secondary only, and greatly inferior; and then assuming that the so-called Democracy of to-day are the Jeffer. swered your questions substantially.

I have written in haste, but I believe that I have an. son, and their opponents the anti-Jefferson parties, it

Respectfully yours, will be equally interesting to note how completely the

ABRAHAM LINCOLX. two have changed ground as to the principle upon which they were originally supposed to be divided.

NEW-YORK FOR THE WILMOT PROVISO. The Democracy of to-day hold the liberty of one man to be absolutely nothing, when in conflict with another In January, 1847, Col. Samuel Young introman's right of property. Republicans, on the contrary, duced the following resolve into the New-York are both for the man and the dollar, but in case of con. State Senate, and on the 27th of that month it flict the man before the dollar.

I remember being once much amused at seeing two was adopted by a vote of 22 to 6: partially intoxicated men engaged in a fight with their great-coats on, which fight, after a long and rather harm- Resowed, That if any Territory is hereafter acquired less contest, ended in each having fought himself out of by the United States, or annexed thereto, the act by which his own coat and into that of the other. If the two such Territory is acquired or annexed, whatever such ait leading parties of this day are really identical with the may be, should contain an unalterable, fundamental are two in the days of Jefferson and Adams, they have per- ticle or provision whereby Slavery or involuntary serii. formed the same feat as the two drunken men.

tude, except as a punishment for crime, shall be forever But soberly, it is now no child's play to save the prin- excluded from the Territory acquired or annexed. ciples of Jefferson from total overthrow in this nation. One would state with great confidence that he could

This resolve subsequently passed the Assembly convince any sane child that the simpler propositions of by a vote which was almost unanimous. Euclid are true; but nevertheless, he would fail, with one who should deny the definitions and axioms. The prin

NEW-YORK FOR FREEDOM IN 1858. ciples of Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free society. And yet they are denied and evaded, with no The following preamble and resolutions were small show of success. One dashingly calls them a glit: adopted by the Assembly of the State of Newtering generalities." evident lies.” And others insidiously argue that they York on the 10th day of January, 1848, by a apply only to "superior races.'

vote of 108 to 5, and by the Senate, a few days These expressions, ditering in form, are identical in later, by a majority nearly as emphatic as that object and effect-the supplanting the principles of free government, and restoring those of classification, caste,

of the Assembly: and legitimacy. They would delight a convocation of

Whereas, The President of the United States, in his crowned heads plotiing against the people. They are last annual message, has recommended the establishinent the vanguard, the sappers and miners, of returning by Congress of territorial government over the conquered despotism. We must repulse them, or they will subju- provinces of New Mexico, and the Californias, and the gate us.

retention thereof as an indemnity, in which said Terri. This is a world of compensations; and he who would tories the institution of Slavery does not now exist, be no slave must consent to have no slave. Those who therefore deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves; Resoloed (if the Senate concur), That our Senators in and, under a just God, cannot long retain it.

Congress be instructed, and our Representatives reAll honor to Jefferson---to the inan who, in the concrete quested, to use their best efforts to insert into any act or pressure of a struggle for national independence by a ordinance, establishing any or all such provisional or ter: single people, had the coolness, forecast, and capacity, to ritorial government or governments, a fundamental introduce into á merely revolutionary document, an ab- article or provision, which shall provide, declare, and stract truth, applicable to all men and all times, and so guaranty, that Slavery or involuntary servitude, except to embalm it there, that to-day and in all coming days it as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have shall be a rebuke and a stumbling-block to the harbin- been first duly convicted, shall be prohibited therein, so gers of reappearing tyranny and oppression.

long as the same shall remain a Territory. Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

Resolved, that the President of the Senate, and the Messrg, H. L. PIERCE, and others, etc.

Speaker of the Assembly, be requilted to transmit a copy

of the foregoing resolutions and preamble to ench of the ABRAHAM LINCOLN ON NATURALIZATION. said Senators and Representatives. SPRINGFIELD, May 17, 1859.

NEW-YORK AGAIN FOR FREE TERRITORIES IN 1849. DR. THEODOR CANISIUS :

Dear SiR-Your letter, in which you inquire on your The following preamble and resolves were in own account, and in behalf of certain other German cna troduced into the New-York Senate on the 2c. zens, whether I approve or oppose the constitutional proof January, 1819, passed that body by a unani. vision in relation to naturalized citizens which was lately enacted in Massachusetts, and whether I favor or opposo mous vote on the 4th, and were concurred in

by the Assembly two days later, on the 6th of following are extracts from the address then January :

adopted : Whereas, The people of the State of New-Mexico FELLOW-CITIZENS: Hitherto when we have assembled in have petitioned Congress for the establishment of a Ter- Convention, there were well known and well recognized ntorial Government which shall protect them against the bounds to our country, but now that the spirit of coninstitution of domestic Slavery while they remain a ter-quest has been let loose, who can tell where is his counritory of the United States, and have also petitioned Con-try, whether on the Rio Grande, the Sierra Nevada, the gress for protection against the unfounded claims of the Rio Gila or the Gulf of California, or whether part SpanState of Texas to a la ge portion of their territory lying ish, much Indian, and some Negro, Santa Féan or Cali east of the Rio Grande; and, whereas, it would be un- fornian may not be as good an American citizen as himjust to the people of New-Mexico and California, and self? Our flag is borne, with fixed bayonets to surround revolting to the spirit of the age, to permit domestic it, and unmuzzled grape-shot to clear the way, in the Biavery-an institution from which they are now free-conquering footsteps of Cortes--by the base of the snowy to be introduced among them: and, whereas, since the peaks of Popocatapetl, to the Eternal city of the acquisition of New Mexic, by the United States the peo- Aztecs - and Mexicans of every color, and every breed, ple thereof have a right to expect the protection of the sprung from commingling Moor and straight-haired AfriGeneral Government, and should be secured in the full can, as well as from Castile and Leon, are made Ameripossession and enjoyment of their Territory: therefore can citizens, or prepared for being made so, by the gen

Resolved, That our Senators and Representatives in tle logic of red-mouthed artillery, thundering from the Congress be requested to use their best efforts to procure bristling heights of Cerro Gordo to the bloody plains of the passage of laws for the establishment of govern- Contreras and Churubusco. Wherever that flag is, with ments for the Territories acquired by the treaty of peace its stars and stripes, the emblem of our Nationality, with Mexico, and that by such laws involuntary servi- there our hearts are ; but woe! woe! to the men, we cry, tude, except for crime, be excluded from such Terri- who have dispatched it upon its mission of Conquest, tories.

and what is yet worse, the conversion of a Free into a Resoloed, That the territory lying between the Nue- Slaveholding Territory. ces and the Rio Grande is the common property of Fellow-citizens, disguise the Mexican war as sophistry the United States, and that our Senators and Representa- may, the great truth cannot be put down, that it exists tives in Congress be requested to use their best efforts to because of the annexation of Texas; that from such a preserve the same as such common property and protect cause we predicted such a consequence would follow: it from the unfounded claim of the State of Texas, and and that, but for that cause, no war would have existed prohibit the extension over it of the laws of Texas, or the at all. Disguise its intent, purposes and consequences institution of doinestic Slavery.

as sophistry may struggle to do, the further great truth Resolved, that the existence of prisons for the con- cannot be hidden, that its main object is the conquest of finement and marts for the sale of slaves, at the seat of a Market for Slaves, and that the flag our victorious the National Government, is viewed by this legislature legions rally around, fight under, and fall for, is to be with deep regret and mortification; that such prisons and desecrated from its holy character of Liberty and Emanmarts ought forth with to be abolished ; therefore be it cipation into an errant of Bondage and Slavery. In further

obedience to the laws, and in a due and faithful submisResowed, That our Senators and Representatives in sion to the regularly constituted government of our Congress be requested to use their strenuous efforts to country, we will rally by and defend onr flag on whaiprocure the passage of a law that shall protect slaves ever soil or whatever sea it is unfurled; but before high from unjust imprisonment, and shall effectually put an Heaven we protest against the mission on which it is end to the slave-trade in the District of Columbia.

sent, and we demand its recall to the true and proper Resolved, that the Governor be requested to forward bounds of our country, as soon as in honor it can be copies of the preceding resolutions to each Senator and brought home. We protest, too, in the name of the rights Kepresentative in Congress from this State.

of Man, and of Liberty, against the further extension of

Slavery in North America. The curse which our mother MR. DIX FOR SLAVERY PROHIBITION.

country inflicted upon us, in spite of our fathers' remon

strances, we demand shall never blight the virgin soil of These resolutions were presented in the U. S. the North Pacific.

We will not pour out the Senate by the Hon. John A. Dix (now, 1860,) blood of our countrymen, if we can help it, to turn a Frei Postmaster of New-York, and defended by him hundred millions of dollars per year to make a Slave

We will not spend from fifty to a m an elaborate and able speech. On the first Market for any portion of our countrymen. We will resolution, he said:

never, for such a purpose, consent to run up an untold This resolution was in sentiment, if not in words, mongers, Tax-Brokers, Tax-gatherers, laying an excise or

National debt, and saddle our posterity with Fundidentical with those which have been passed by fifteen an impost on everything they taste, touch or live by. of the thirty States of the Union. With a single excep- The Union as it is, the whole Union, and nothing but the tion, all the non-slaveholding and one of the slaveholding Union, we will stand by to the last—but No More Terri. States have declared themselves opposed to the extentory is our watch-word, unless it be Free. sion of Slavery into territory now free. Sir, I fully concur in the propriety of this declaration. I believe that

RESOLVES. Congress has the power to prohibit Slavery in California and New Mexico; that it is our duty to exercise the Among the Resolutions unanimously adopted power, and that it should be exercised now. I am by this Convention was the following: always for acting when the proper time for action has corne. I am utterly opposed to any course which shall

Rosoloed, That while the Whig Freemen of New-York, cast upon others the responsibility which belongs to our represented in this Convention, will faithfully adhere to selves. The resolution looks to the exclusion of Slavery all the compromises of the Constitution, and jealously from New Mexico and California during their territorial mainiain all the reserved rights of the States, tbey condition only. It does not look beyond that condition declare-since the crisis has arrived when the question with a view to control the people when they shall have must be met--their uncompromising hostility to the Excome into the Union. It contemplates no invasion of tension of Slavery into any Territory now Free, or which State sovereignty. In this view of the subject, one of the may be hereafter acquired by any action of the GovernNew-York presses which has resisted all interference with went of our Union. Slavery, even in the Territories, pronounced these resolu

FREE DEMOCRACY OF NEW-YORK CITY AGAINST tions conciliatory in their character. I do not know that I should call them either conciliatcry or the reverse.

SLAVERY EXTENSION. They take firmly the ground that New-York has always At a Free Democratic Meeting held in the taken, that Slavery shall by no act of hers be further extended. She believes it to be the ground of principle, of Park at New-York, October 9, 1848, at which justice, and of right and I do not hesitate to say she will Henry Everson presided, and S. J. Tilden, John never abandon it-never, never.

Van Buren, and John Cochrane spoke, Mr. THE NEW-YORK WHIGS FOR FREEDOM IN 1847. Cochrane introduced the following Resolves,

At the Whig State Convention held at Syra- which were adopted : ouse, October 6, 1847, the Hon. James Brooks Resolned, That the politics of the times indicate prereported a brief address to the Whigs of the cisely to whom remain the principles of the Democracy ; State, which was unanimously adopted. The cial and commercial questions which formerly defined

political differences, permits that other party tests than single foot of soil where it is not now authorized by those which, even if demanding attention, still as but law. questions of expediency, should be, as they have been, I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, postponed to the consideration of that one of vital im

GREENE C. BRONSON. portance, the freedom of our land.

To Messrs. J. COCHRANE, and others, Coinmittee. Resolved, that we think contemptuously of the mind which discovers in the extension of the area of Freedom NEW HAMPSHIRE FOR THE WILMOT PROVISO. cause for the degradation of the South. Could nature so belie herself that the preservation of their “inalienable

The legislature (then Democratic) of New rights” to any portion of mankind, must be attended by Hampshire, in June, 1847, passed the following proportionate violation of those of any other portion, we resolution : say, perish those rights dependent on the Slavery of others, rather than one tittle of those be injured that are

Resowood, That in all territory which shall hereafter be consistent with the rights of all; that our Constitution added to or acquired by the United States, where Slavery and our federal history speak to us through the voices of does not exist at the time of such addition, or acquiremeni, the Jeffersons, the Pinckneys, the Lees, and the Ran- neither Slavery or involuntary servitude, except for the dolphs of the South, against this miserable, false pre punishment of crime, whereof the party has been duly tense. It is not so ! The success of the free principles convicted, ought ever to exist, but the same should ever for which we contend, will reëstablish the lost equality of remain free; and we are opposed to the extension of the States - lost in the insidious increase of the Slave Slavery over every such Territory-and that we also States from six, their original and constitutional number, approve the vote of our Senators and Representatives in to fifteen, the present aggressive and unconstitutional Congress in favor of the Wilinot Proviso. number-lost in the twenty-one voices and votes which

OHIO FOR FREE SOIL. Southern chattel slaves possess among the representatives of a free people at Washington-lost in the limited

In the Ohio House of Representatives (session wealth, in the low intelligence, and in the inferior civili- of 1847-8) the following resolution was passed zation of the South. We would restore this lost equality, by a vote of 43 to 12: and, so far from degrading any portion of the Union, we mean to elevate the whole to the possession of that Free- Resolved, By the General Assembly of the State of dom which alone should be the National characteristic. Ohio, that the Senators and Representatives from this

Resolved, That our senses reject the audacious asser- State in the Congress of the United States be and they are tion that the Extension of Slave Territory at the South hereby requested, to procure the passage of measures in will abate the evil at the North. Aside from the ab- the National Legislature, providing for the exclusion of surdity which it involves, that an evil declines in propor- slavery from the Territory of Oregon, and also from any tion to and expires with the substance which it procures, other Territory that now is, or hereafter may be, annexed experience has taught, and the history of the " Pecu-to the United States. liar Institution" itself manifests, that the slaveowner of the “ Old Dominion” breeds an increasing gang, and

ILLINOIS FOR FREE SOIL. amasses an accumulating hoard, just as the demand for slaves increases with the diffusion of Slavery over free the Senate of Illinois on the 8th of January,

The following Resolutions were adopted by territory at the South. In the year 1790, when Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Tennessee, 1849, and the House of Representatives on tho Kentucky, and Florida, were free soil, the slave popula: following day. The Legislature was largely tion was 697,896. spread over this free soil, it numbered’2,487,355, being an Democratic in both branches at the time : increase in fifty years of 1,787,457 slaves. The extension Resoloed by the Senate of the State of Illinois, the of Slavery to new territory, instead of abating the evil House of Representatives concurring, That our Senain Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, where it tors in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives numbered in the year 1810, 590,000 slaves, has multiplied requested, to use all honorable means in their power to them to 775,000, in the year 1840, showing an increase procure the enactment of such laws by Congress for the in thirty years of 185,000 slaves. The existence of government of the countries and territories of the United Slavery depends on its diffusion.

States acquired by the treaty of peace, friendship, limits

and settlement with the Republic of Mexico, concluded GREENE C. BRONSON'S OPINION IN 1848. February 2, 1848, as shall contain the express declara

tion " that there shall bo neither Slavery nor involunIn a letter dated July 15th, 1848, Mr. Bron: tary servitude in said territories otherwise than in

the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have son, after declining an invitation to attend a been duly convicted.” political meeting, says:

Resowed by the House of Representatives, the Senate

concurring herein, That the Governor be respectfully Slavery cannot exist where there is no positive law to requested to transmit to each of our Senators and Rep. uphold it. It is not necessary that it should be forbidden; resentatives in Congress a copy of the joint resolution of it is enough that it is not specially authorized. If the the Senate, concurred in by the House on the 9th inst., owner of slaves removes with or sends them into any for the exclusion of Slavery from the new territories ao country, State or Territory, where Slavery does not exist quired by our late treaty with the Republic of Mexico. by law, they will from that inoment become free men, and will have as good a right to command the master, as he SOUTH CAROLINA FOR THE FOREIGN SLAVE-TRADE, will have to command them. State laws have no extra. territorial authority; and a law of Virginia which makes

In the annual message of Governor Adams, a man a slave there, cannot make him a slave in New- of South Carolina, for the year 1856, he proYork, nor beyond the Rocky Mountains.

ceeded to argue in favor of the reopening of Entertaining no doubt upon that question, I can see no occasion for asking Congress to legislate against the ex

the slave-trade, as follows: tension of Slavery into free territory, and, as a question It is apprehended that the opening of this trade will of policy, I think it had better be let alone. If our South- lessen the value of slaves, and ultimately destroy the ern brethren wish to carry their slaves to Oregon, New institution. It is a sufficient answer to point to the fact Mexico or California, they will be under the necessity of that unrestricted immigration has not diminished the asking a law to warrant it; and it will then be in time for value of labor in the northwestern Confederacy. The cry the Free Statos to resist the measure, as I cannot doubt there is the want of labor, notwithstanding capital has the they would, with unwavering firmness.

pauperism of the old world to press into the grinding serI would not needlessly move this question, as it is one vice. If we cannot supply the demand for siave labor, then of an exciting vature, which tends to sectional division, we must expect to supply with a species of labor we do and may do us harm as a people. I would leave it to the not want, and which is, from the very nature of things, Slavehoiding States to decide for themselves, and on their antagonistic to our institutions. It is much better that own responsibility, when, if ever, the matter shall be our drays should be driven by slaves, that our factories agitated in Congress. It may be that they will act should be worked by slaves, that our hotels should be wisely, and never move at all; especially as it seems served by slaves, that our locomotives should be managed pretty generally agreed that neither Oregon, New-Mexico, by slaves, than that we should be exposed to the introducnor California, are well adapted to slave labor. But if tion from any quarter of a population alien to us by birth, our Southern brethren should make the question, we shall training, and education, and which in the process of time have no choice but to meet it; and then, whatever conse- must lead to the conflict between capital and labor, which quences may follow, I trust the people of the Free States makes it so difficult to maintain free institutions in all will give u united voice against allowing Slavery on a 'wealthy and civilized nations where such institutions ao

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