to congress under the old confederation. He was a republican, firmly attached to his country, and laboured heartily for her welfare. He was powerful in argument, bland in manners, rich in learning, and happy in his taste as a writer on almost every passing matter, as well as of a more profound nature. His works have been published, in two volumes, and should be more often referred to than they are by the present generation. He was equally a favourite with his native and with his adopted state. Even in the violence of party, his sincerity was never questioned.

Daniel Galloway, Esq. was a native of the same state, and was also a member of congress from Pennsylvania in 1776, and was opposed altogether to the declaration of independence. He was a writer of respectable talents, and, after fully ascertaining what the people, and their representatives in congress, intended, he differed with them entirely, and wrote on the British side of the question, and, after a while, left Philadelphia to join our enemies. At that time, it must have been very unpopular to have said a word on the side of our opposers; and Mr. Galloway must have been a man of high moral integrity to have got off with so little abuse as he received. But his fate was an unfortunate one, for he left us from principle, but was treated with great rudeness and severity by the ministry of England.

In

Another writer on the other side of the question, who claims our attention and gratitude, was William Henry Drayton, of South Carolina. He exerted his literary acquirements and talents in the cause of his country. In 1774, he was the author of a pamphlet addressed to the American Congress, signed "A Freeman." 1776, in his judicial capacity, he made a charge to a grand jury, which contained a full and fair view of the situation of our country at that time, and the duties devolving on every citizen who laid any claims to love of country. The whole of this charge has been preserved by Dr. Ramsay in his historical works. This able and valuable statesman and patriot died while attending his duties as a member of congress, in Philadelphia, in 1779, at the early age of thirty-seven. He was truly a great man, and his death was deeply deplored in every part of the country.

New-York and New-Jersey were happy in having a share in the fame of William Livingston, governor of the latter state, but a native of the former, and a writer and politician of distinction before he took up his residence in New-Jersey. Livingston was an elegant scholar, and wrote with great pungency and effect in those times, in which every form of argument was required to rouse the spirit of the people, to discharge their awful responsibilities. The effect of his exertions were seen in the good conduct of the Jersey mili

tia, in the most perilous moments of the revolutionary war, when their territory was overrun by the enemy, and despondency was extending her paralyzing influences over the whole country, from Georgia to Maine.

Maryland produced, among her numerous patriots and writers, one who was very celebrated at the time, in Daniel Dulany, Esq., a writer on political subjects; and he has had the credit of having done much good. He was a lawyer of Annapolis, and distinguished at the Maryland bar.

Virginia had her share of writers previous to the revolution, although she did not for some time feel much of the arbitrary power of Great Britain. Thomas Jefferson, when quite a young man, wrote upon the great questions then agitated, but his whole history is so well known that it would be useless to restate it. Richard Bland, Arthur Lee, and Robert Carter Nicholas, were also known as writers on the popular side of the question in Virginia. Bland was a distinguished member of the house of burgesses, in 1776, and at that time published an inquiry into the rights of the British colonies in America, in answer to a pamphlet published in London in the preceding year, entitled "regulations lately made concerning the cololonies, and the taxes imposed on them considered." Arthur Lee wrote, in 1769, "the monitor's letters," which were extensively read, not only in Virginia, but in other parts of the country. There were others of note and worth who wielded their pens in the great cause of American freedom, whom we have not had time to mention, particularly many of the clergymen, who were then in active life, such as Witherspoon, Webster, and a host of good patriots, who mingled their ardent wishes for their country with their morning and evening prayers to heaven for salvation. While the statesman called upon his countrymen from the halls of legislation, to come forward and act valiantly, the zealous clergyman entered the citizen's dwelling, preached a homily on the duties of a patriot before the fire-side and at the family altar, and roused father and son to gird on their swords and march for the defence of their country; and not unfrequently, when his flock were ready for the field, joined them himself with the sword of Gideon and the Lord, to encourage their hearts and strengthen their hands.

During all these preparations for the coming conflict, the subject of education was more attended to than ever it had been. In addition to the common course of instruction, the Oriental languages, which are now opening their inexhaustible treasures of learning to the world, were assiduously cultivated. After the resignation of Morris, as Hebrew instucter in Harvard University, a professorship of Oriental Literature was established by the munificence of Thomas

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Hancock, uncle to John Hancock, the patriot, and Stephen Sewall, was selected for the Oriental chair. He was indeed well qualified for the office, being probably the best linguist of his age. He was bred a mechanick, a house-joiner, until he was one and twenty years of age, and was distinguished for his skill in his trade. He had been fond of books, and had made many curious philological researches that attracted the attention of a learned divine in his vicinity, who gave him every aid in his power. The pupil made the most rapid advances in the languages, and studied them so deeply and carefully, that he became unquestionably the first critick of his time in this country. He wrote Greek odes, which were noticed in England. He went perhaps as learnedly into the philosophical constitution of that beautiful language as Porson and Parr have since done. He pursued his philological studies farther, and made himself master of the Syriack, Arabick, Chaldee, Samaritan, Ethiopick, Persiack, and Coptick. He left some accurate notes on all these languages in his lectures, and made many remarks on them in a correspondence held with the learned Orientalists in Europe, which received from these professors the highest commendations, He made a lexicon of some of these languages, and translated a part of Young's Night Thoughts into Latin hexameter. It was in no small degree owing to this fine classical scholar that Hebrew retained its rank among the languages, when the spirit of modern philosophy strove to banish it from the dignity of those languages worthy the attention of a learned man. The day of proscription has passed; the inquiring mind has found some of the richest gems of thought, some of the loveliest flowers of poetry, and many touches of a profound philosophy, in the immense fields of eastern literature, through which the scholars of the present day are travelling with inexpressible pleasure.

For many years previous to the revolution, the science of government and the rights of man were subjects of discussion at Harvard University, in every form of their literary exercises, from dialogues to orations, not only on quarter-days and commencements, but at all other times. The students examined all the principles of political and civil liberty of the ancient republicks, and were well read in the English constitution, and also in that of the United Provinces of the Netherlands; and the forms of liberty in the Italian cities, such as had boasted of their freedom in modern days, were commented upon with the spirit of reformers; the right to resist oppression was often taken as a theme for declamation, and the loudest applause was bestowed on the boldest of the advocates for the doctrine. I name not this fact as wishing to consider them as models for the student at the present day: the present times demand other directions of

the human mind, but simply to show how intimately our literature and national existence have been connected.

It was a mutual and most felicitous thought, to call the learned men of all times and nations a Republick of Letters; for with them, in every age, have been found the true doctrines of political liberty and the seeds of civil institutions. The learned, as a body, have favoured freedom of opinion, and the sacred rights of man, even in the courts of tyrants, and in the faces of their creatures. The learned priests of Egypt wrested from their kings rights for themselves, and protection for the people. In the walks of the academy and the halls of science, the mind threw off its shackles; and in the contemplation of the laws of nature, and of the moral world, and in the pursuit of science and the arts, it lost its reverence for hereditary claims to eminence, and looked directly with a philosophical eye to the fitness of things, thoughtless of arbitrary distinctions among men. In a community where the operations of the mind may be watched in its advancements in knowledge, those cast by nature in a superiour mould will attract the attention and receive that homage which in some form or other genius will for ever secure. The institutions of learning in our country had, it is true, some of the forms and shows of the relicks of aristocracy, in the arrangements of their catalogues, or some trifling ceremonies; but there never existed purer fountains of political justice, and true equality, than were to be found in them. The right once established to judge of religious doctrines, of reasoning upon human, angelick, and divine natures, embraces in it the right of judging upon the political, civil, and moral conduct of men, in, or out of power. The student, surrounded by the lights of mind which had illumined the world in every age, and holding, every day, converse, through their works, with the mighty dead, felt no great respect or reverence for emptyheaded vanity, or ignorant pride, however bloated by consequence, or elated by the possession of power; for he knew that, at best, for him who possessed it, power could not be permanent, or with us hereditary; he therefore saw, as he looked forward into his country's history, one generation of little oppressors pass off after another, as insects of a day, or creatures of a moment. If all the scholar felt could not have been fully communicated to his fellow actors as he entered into life, yet sufficient of his spirit might have been diffused to have given a similarity to the feelings and reasonings of others, and to have prepared the community to reason and think for themselves on all subjects involving their rights and privileges. Every educated man who had left these walks of learning, became a Hierophant of liberty among the people, and taught them, at once, the means and the blessings of freedom. The love of freedom with them was no phosphorick light

or flickering blaze from putrescent masses, or occasional ignition, but a steady flame, which burnt like the sacred fire on the altars of Greece, in the temple of liberty, or that holier flame of the lamp of God in the house of the Lord, which burnt day and night to keep the hallowed fane from darkness and pollution. The liberty they asked was only British liberty, such as the people of England enjoyed, and still enjoy: that they should be taxed by their own representatives, and by none others.

LECTURE VII.

"The true patriot is found in all classes of men; his name is sacred, his deeds are glorious; he is not seduced by honours or rewards; he is above all bribes; he is destitute of all selfishness; he is ready to pour out his blood as water for his country's good; he labours for great ends by honest means; he fears luxury as a national evil; he dreads parsimony as a national curse; he thinks no man lives for himself alone; he subdues his pride, and humbles his sense of importance, by thinking how short is human life; he represses his vanity by knowing how many are his superiours; he feels rightly; thinks correctly; judges candidly; acts wisely; hopes humbly; and dies in the full assurance of immortality—favoured by men, or if not that, beloved by God.”

The Patriot's Manual.

DURING the long agony of our revolutionary conflict, our small seminaries of learning were generally closed, and the course of instruction in colleges and high schools was interrupted; yet the minds of the people were never more active. Every publick square and every private dwelling, were places of discussion, and of inquiry into the general principles of liberty of thinking, and acting. The fervour of passion had passed away; and that cool determination succeeded, which denotes a firmness of purpose, and which is not to be shaken, and that high resolve which nothing can break down. The publick documents of that day, fully show this calm and quiet temper, for in them there is nothing spiteful, irritable, or feverish. A careless observer might think that the hearts of the people were not in this cause, all things were conducted with such serenity. It is a fact worthy of notice, that on the 17th of June, 1775, the provincial congress of Massachusetts was in session at Watertown, not