turbed, by notorious profligacy, by tumult or riot, or by similar disorders, although not attended with any actual infringement of liberty or property. Such licence ought not to be suffered to infest even a village; much less should it be tolerated in a nation at large. Mr. Locke himself, who is known to be a strenuous advocate for freedom, makes it a part of the office of the magistrate to punish debauchery and immorality, and compel men to lead sober and honest lives*. And notwithstanding the increase of liberality since his time, both flagrant breaches of the peace, and open and scandalous vice, still continue in this country to be objects of political animadversion, and will ever so remain, unless reason and virtue should entirely withdraw themselves from amongst us, and leave us a prey to barbarism and false philosophy.

Let us then proceed to inquire for a mo-ment, how far the coercive power of government is adequate to the maintenance of public decorum, which is chiefly violated in the following respects:

* Third Letter on Toleration, p. 85-6, and 282-3.

First, by lewdness and debauchery. So violent is the propension of mankind to sensual indulgence, that no human power can always restrain them from open and scandalous excesses. Indeed by the strict execution of the laws now in force amongst us, and by others to supply the deficiency of the present, much more might be done to check the progress of evils, which threaten even our political existence; though, after every provision, nothing could prevent bad men from diffusing their poison in a more subtle and insinuating manner, whether by the dubious turn of their conversation, or the general style of their behaviour. And in regard to that great medium of communication, the press, unless very severe and perhaps unwise restrictions were laid upon it, the corruption of authors will be sure to make it an engine of obscenity, as well as of other mischiefs; at least, in a covert and delicate way, which being less shocking to our moral feelings, is suited to spread the contagion with greater effect. These there fore are evils, which are more the subjects of lamentation than of political redress.

Secondly, by gaming: which, although it has no particular ground in human nature, and is no more than an accidental determination of its general propensity to dissipation; when it has once made its way into society, and obtained the sanction of fashion, is an evil not easily to be suppressed, or even checked, by the wisest government. Of this we have a striking example in our own country, where, in spite of many discouraging statutes *, it prevails to an alarming degree, defeating every provision of law by a principle of false honour, which has often a strange influence with men who possess but little sense either of virtue or decency.

Thirdly, by profaneness. By this I understand a contemptuous disregard to the being and providence of God, which commonly shows itself by using his name with irreverence, and neglecting his worship, Mr. Boyle is said never to have mentioned the name of God, without a visible pause in his discourse; and whoever does it with

See Blackstone's Com. vol. iv. p. 172-3.

habitual levity, discovers a mind destitute of every religious principle. The neglect of public, which I fear is almost always accompanied with an equal neglect of domestic worship, may be thought no less chargeable with profaneness; as it seems to insinuate, either that there is no God, or that our obligations to him require no such acknowledgment; or that we are too indolent, or too proud to offer it; for we can hardly admit with some, that the heart may be inspired with devotion when so considerable an expression of it is wanting. And were this indeed possible, such abstracted piety, by assuming the appearance of irreligion, must have the same effect upon others, and on this account be very culpably deficient. The small success of the methods taken by our legislature to remedy these evils, shows how little can be expected from fines and penalties, in those points which relate to our most important interests.

Fourthly, by a want of due respect to the constitution, whether religious or civil, under which we live. To treat the establishments

of our country with insolence or scurrility, or even as subjects of mere disputation, is manifestly an offence to public decency; although such grave discussion as may serve to their correction or improvement, is not only consistent with the regard we owe them, but may proceed from it. How to suppress the former without discouraging the latter, is a difficulty to which no policy is equal. There have been periods when prescription was reason, and when time gave a sanction to the grossest usurpations upon the persons and property, the understandings and consciences of men; there have been periods too, in which a wild and lawless spirit has gone forth, and boldly called in question every opinion consecrated by the veneration, and every institution confirmed by the practice, of former ages. If men could have been taught wisdom by past example, by this time they would have learned, first, in respect to truth, to have sought it, though without a superstitious attachment, yet not without a becoming deference to ancient opinions; and, secondly, in respect to government,