Lord Castlereagh next addressed the plenipotentiaries of Portugal, who stated, in the usual strain, the difficulties which would be experienced in the Brazils, were the importation of slaves suddenly checked, the humanity with which they were treated, &c. &c. In answer to these arguments, Lord Castlereagh quoted a passage from the 10th article of the Treaty of Rio Janeiro, 1810, in which the Prince Regent of Portugal acknowledges, "the great disadvantages which arise from the necessity of introducing, and continually renewing, a foreign and fictitious po pulation, for the purpose of labour and industry, within his South American dominions." It was further observed, that in the same treaty of 1810, the Portuguese government "had engaged to take the most effectual measures for gradually abolishing the slave trade throughout the whole extent of their possessions." England, therefore, could not have expected, that five years later the fulfilment of this promise should not be sufficiently advanced to enable the Portuguese government to dispense with a fresh delay, so considerable as that of eight years, which it seemed to have in view.

Count Palmella made the best answer he could to these arguments, which, as our readers may suppose, was lame enough. After which the samepresentations were made to him by all the powers, as they had previously made to the Spanish minister, and the conference was then adjourned.

Having thus given a sketch of the manner in which these in teresting conferences were carried on, and of the tone and figure assumed in them by the plenipotentiaries of the respective powers; the demand we have already made upon the time of our readers warns us to abstain from the same details with respect to the three subsequent sittings, and to confine ourselves to a summary of the debates which arose in them. The character of the conferences was by no means altered, although the subjects increased in interest as they arose in succession from the topics previously discussed.

The object of Lord Castlereagh, in the second conference, was to secure the partial abolition of the traffic without delay, and especially to secure that blessing to the portion of Africa which (thanks to the British government) found itself at present almost entirely liberated from the scourge. Among his other arguments, his Lordship stated, that it was greatly to be wished, that this germ of amelioration should not be stifled in its birth by introducing anew all the disorders, and all the miseries, inse parable from the slave trade; and that these countries, after having tasted the first-fruits of a better order of things, ought not to be given up again to the calamities and devastations of that traffic. Upon this important part of the subject we are happy to an

nounce, that a very general spirit of consent appeared to animate all the plenipotentiaries. That of Spain insinuated, that its previous determination, respecting the coast of Guinea, might have arisen from some misunderstanding, on one side or the other, in the ministerial explanations at Madrid. Before this conference broke up, Lord Castlereagh gave notice, that at the next sitting he should propose the establishment of permanent ministerial commissions at London and Paris, dedicated to the specific object of promoting the abolition of the slave trade, in such a manner as should most speedily reconcile the views of humanity with the attentions due to the interests and rights of independent powers,

In the third conference this important measure, which pro mised ultimately to imprint the seal of success upon all the previous labours in the cause of humanity, was formally proposed by Lord Castlereagh. After reciting the several points in discussion still left imperfectly, or not at all decided, he proceeded in the following manner:

"All these questions required further explanations and negotiations, which it was impossible to enter upon effectually during the Congress, on account of the distance which some of the Plenipotentiaries would have to refer, in order to receive instructions from their respective Governments.

"The plan which he was about to propose for the purpose of giving effect to these deliberations, would equally promote the examination of the general measures to be adopted for carrying into execution what had already been decided upon and fixed, in the several branches of this question; measures, without which the most positive determinations and the most generous resolutions on the subject, would be vain and illusive. Lord Castlereagh added to these observations, that the lot of the unhappy inhabitants of Africa, and the blessings which Eu. rope conferred on them by abstaining from a traffic which could only perpetuate their misery, were objects which, although of the highest interest for humanity, were but too readily forgotten in the midst of so many other interests affecting the European Governments in a more direct manner; and that without some permanent concert, which should fix the general attention to these questions, and prolong the present discussions beyond the close of the Congress, it was to be apprehended that they would be lost sight of altogether. This concert appeared to him the more useful, as, besides serving to remove much doubt and to prevent much unpleasant controversy, it would, in his mind, contribute to facilitate to the powers, whose colonial system still remained grounded on the importation of negroes, the means of leading their subjects to a more desirable order of things, and to surmount the difficulty which opposed themselves to the abolition of the trade. After these observations, Lord Castlereagh said, that in the framing of the projet which he was about to lay before the meeting, he had adopted the most conciliatory and the most friendly forms, such as became a

Government which, although perfectly determined not to relinquish the object until it was finally accomplished, would not the less scrupulously observe the attentions due to every other independent Power. "He then read his projêt, couched in the following terms;—

"In order to enable the Powers to realize, more effectually and completely, by amicable negotiations, their benevolent intentions, with respect to the final abolition of the trade in Negroes, in the manner set forth in their common Declaration, and to establish amongst them, and with other Governments, a concert, calculated to prevent, on one hand, an illegal traffic in slaves upon the coast of Africa, and, on the other hand, to prevent any infraction of the rights of independent States, which might be attempted by the armed vessels of other Powers, it is proposed to authorise the Ministers of the Courts now assembled, and of other Powers who may wish to concur in these measures, who shall be accredited at London and Paris to treat conjointly on the important objects herein-before mentioned, and to enjoin them to prepare, at the end of each year, for the information of their respective Courts, a general report on the state of the trade in African Negroes, according to the most recent information, and on the progress of the diminution or of the abolition of that trade." (P. 85, 86.)

This unequivocal proof of the sincerity of our Plenipotentiary roused the Chevalier de Labrador, who, as our readers must long ago have perceived, objected but little to the consecration, upon paper, of as many high and fine principles as were agreeable to the other powers, but whose endeavours were studiously to evade following any of them out into action. He now denied the power of congress to enter at all into the question of the trade of Negroes; to regulate the legislation of nations, or to decide upon questions of political morality. He declared that it was the effect of pure condescension on the part of the powers possessing colonies, that they occupied themselves at all about the slave trade; that his court would listen to no conference at London, Paris, or elsewhere, to continue discussions on the slave trade; since his Catholic Majesty would never grant to one or to several powers the right of exercising over his subjects any act of superintendance under the pretext of infraction of what has been settled. It is scarcely necessary to make any further observation on these peevish arguments of the Spanish plenipotentiary, than merely to remark, that no interference with Spanish subjects was ever projected. The powers assembled had no object in view, but to de clare their unaltered resolution to promote the abolition of the slave trade by every possible means, thinking it an enormous public crime; and that they would conduct themselves differently with respect to their own commercial intercourse towards those powers who persisted in the traffic, and those who agreed with them as to the necessity of its extinction. And this resolution they surely had an undoubted right to execute.

M. de Talleyrand admitted the justice and propriety of Lord Castlereagh's proposition, and promised to support it with his court. Count Palmella took it ad referendum, and all the other ministers gave it their unqualified assent. Encouraged by these of results Lord Castlereagh proceeded to open the boldest, but at the same time (as we presume to think) the most just and efficient the measures yet proposed for giving the recusant nations an interest in abolishing their slave trade, and for restraining its extent and influence in case they still persevered in carrying it on. We must give this proposal in his Lordship's own words.

"Lord Castlereagh then proceded to a second proposal, respecting the measures to be adopted in case one or other of the Powers should retard the definitive abolition beyond the period which motives of real necessity could justify. Before making it known, he observed, that although he would fain believe that the case anticipated in this proposal would not arise, it nevertheless appeared to him to be just and prudent to concert some eventual means either of preventing it or of weakening its bad effects, and to protect from any future chances the success of a cause so interesting in its nature, in favour of which England had so decidedly declared herself, and which so many great Powers had now taken under their protection: that the measure he was about to propose as a last resource against the gratuitous prolongation of a commerce, upon the character of which the whole world had but one opinion, rested upon the exercise of an incontestable right, and was enjoined by a moral obligation inseparable from the principle solemnly avowed by all the Powers; that he also trusted that he had framed his proposal in the most conciliatory manner and in the most measured terms possible.

"After these introductory observations, Lord Castlereagh read the following proposal: In closing the present deliberations, as to the means of totally suppressing the trade in Negroes, the Powers this day assembled with that view, are invited to pronounce (independently of their general declaration) their full and entire concurrence in the additional Article concluded at Paris between Great Britain and France, as pointing out, in their opinion, the most distant period that may be reasonably required or allowed for the ulterior duration of the Treaty; and to declare, that at the same time that the most scrupulous respect for the rights of other independent States is admitted, and the hope of coming to an amicable understanding with them upon this important part of the question is cherished, the Powers, in case their expectations should fail, consider they have a moral obligation to fulfil; viz. that of not permitting the consumption of colonial produce within their dominions to become the means of encouraging and prolonging gratuitously só pernicious a traffic; to declare besides, that in point of moral obligation they reserve to themselves, in case the Slave Trade should be continued by any other State beyond the period justified by real necessity, to adopt proper measures to obtain the said colonial produce, either from the colonies of Powers who do not tolerate the gratuitous

prolongation of this traffic, or else from those vast regions of the globe which supply the same produce by the labour of their own inhabitants." (P. 87, 88.)

The Plenipotentiaries of Spain and Portugal were exceedingly outraged at this proposition, and declared it to imply an intention of forcing the recusant powers to submit themselves to the system of the abolitionists. They further declared, that were such a measure adopted by any power whatever, their sovereigns, without disputing with such power the right of acting according to its own principles, would have recourse to just reprisals, by enacting pro hibitory laws against the most useful branch of the commerce of the country in question. Lord Castlereagh justly replied, that, even to produce the greatest good, he would never force an inde pendent power in the sense used by the plenipotentiary of Portugal. But that if governments had frequently exercised their right of excluding foreign merchandise, simply from municipal considerations, without having had any hostile intention imputed to them, surely they had a right to adopt the same means with respect to any nation that should run counter to the general wish of all other nations, upon a fundamental principle of public morals involving the best interests of humanity. The other plenipotentiaries expressed their assent more or less decisively to the proposal and thus the conference ended.

The last conference was occupied principally in mutual civilities between the several ministers, mutual congratulations upon the progress made, and hopes of further success in future. Prince Metternich observed, that although the continental powers had no direct or pecuniary interest in the question, as they possessed no colonies, he nevertheless thought, that their interference in mediating between those powers who did possess them, but widely differed in opinion on the subjects under discussion, had not been useless. He further expressed the readiness of the continental cabinets to employ their good offices in settling such differences as might arise in the future discussions at London and Paris; and to do away the obstacles which might oppose themselves to the final success of this cause. We shall close our extracts with the general declaration, one of the principal results of these discussions, offering the most encouraging prospect, and the best omen of ultimate success.

Declaration.

The Plenipotentiaries of the Powers who signed the treaty of Paris, the 30th May, 1814, assembled in Congress,

Having taken into consideration ;-that the traffic known under the name of the African Slave Trade, has been regarded, by just and enlightened men of all ages, as repugnant to the principles of humanity