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careful skill and patient industry model ourselves after him, as he that, as we gaze, more and yet more transforms us. Christian carefulness and industry we exercise, but these may best be represented as a gaze into the beaming intelligent face of human religion, which is Christ; and as a communion with its warm, pure heart, which is Christ also. There have been in our world many kinds of great men. Philosophers and heroes, wise men who have kindled lamps in darkness, men of power who have quelled the tumult of the people; some who have braved with forehead of flint public attack; others who have with patience suffered-greatly but in retirement. Many as have been these forms of excellence, they have yet all been partial or blemished; but the excellence of Christ was not such-it was not for classes but for man--not for an era but for all time. It was goodness in its grandest, purest, most elementary forms, not alone perfect of its kind, but perfect as the great life and supporting basis of all kinds.

• The men of the past live for us in their examples, but live for us, so far as we know, unconsciously. We love them, and may feel that they could have loved us. But the Christ, living, knows how we need and are affected by the record of his life on earth. Not only did he bear griefs in such way that we, considering his history, are helped to bear ours; but we may feel that the heart and mind which thus did and endured, have knowledge of us, and sympathizing communion with us. We must identify God and Christ—if we say, “ Thou God seest us”. it is as if we said, “ Thou Christ seest us." God becomes Christ when he looks upon us in our human weakness and endeavour. We are not left to imagine how our Saviour would have felt, but to represent to ourselves how he does feel. Christ's truths are the eyes of God looking on us; his love, the heart that fills those eyes with kind and brightest light. God becomes a man for men, lives ever as a man for them; he is Christ to them. Our fathers may have suffered for conscience' sake, have endured with a meek but unfearing firmness, have suffered in body, yet rejoiced in spirit--they are gone. We are strengthened both to bear and to act by intercourse with their memories; we are wrought on and encouraged, as if they were witnesses of our action and deportment—yet they are gone. We cannot tell what they know of us and our struggles—we have no hope of help from them. But our Saviour lives : He is with God, and is God. God who knows all, through him sees all, and according to him orders all. He sends forth the Spirit of his Son to encourage and guide. By that Spirit were the men strengthened whose finished course encourages us, and we may receive effectual strength, so that we too shall encourage others. We who live now, live that we may work for God and for his Christ. All times are wonderful—we may, however, so speak of times as if we imagined we were but spectators. But if there be evil, let us remember that we are not looking at a tragedy, that we may bewail over it—but living in a time of difficulty, that we may work. The character of the age and our own character have relation. All necessary influence of the age upon us is known and considered ; but our influence upon the age, though it may be inappreciable, is real, and, so far as our efforts will avail to change its character, we are re

sponsible for its being what it is. Neither this, nor any other responsibility, can we exactly measure. It is never said to us-So much thou owest—this is the exact sum ; but it is said-In this way it behoves thee to work, do what thou canst, and that heartily. Often, hidden thoughts, when they come into the free atmosphere of action, swell into great giants, terrible to the wicked, but mightily helpful to the good. But though there may be in us no such thoughts, yet is not our work worthless. The greater part of the goodness at any time in the world, is the goodness of common character. The chief part of the good work done, must be done by the multitude. In all times there have been leaders; but these great men gathered round them companies, growing gradually to great armies. We look back to former times and the struggles that then were, and wish we had been helpers in the fight; but there is honourable warfare now, and if we see not what must be done now, or have not the courage to do it if we can see, neither should we have had vision or courage then.'Pp. 168—172.

Such as like what we have now given will find the volume abound in passages every way equal to these selections. Those who do not see power of thought and exquisite beauty of imagery and phraseology in them need inquire no farther about the book. To every such reader the author, we imagine, would respectfully say, Apage ! non tibi spiro!'

Āt the close of the volume, Trinal is represented as 'hoping one day to speak on Christian theology.' If he still lives and does speak on these themes, we can only say, we should like to be amongst his auditors. If deceased, and Mr. Lynch be in possession of his theological writings, he could not do better than give a volume of his discourses to the world. For the present admirable little work he has our warmest thanks.

Art. IX.-1. Ungarns Gegenwart (The Present State of Hungary).

By E. Zsedényi, late Councillor of State. Vienna. 1850. 2. Das legitime Recht Ungarns und seines Koenigs (The legitimate

Right of Hungary and her Kings). By Paul von Somsich.
Vienna. 1850.

When the fortune of war has once decided a question, on whichever side justice and public sympathy may have inclined, the decision is commonly regarded as a fait accompli; a fresh injustice is added to those which have preceded, a new source of

discontent feeds the combustible materials accumulated in that volcano which is called by common consent the status quo of Europe. At most a sentiment of general commiseration is extended to those who had before commanded respect and admiration.

The English Press has not been actuated by this spirit with reference to the late events in Austria and Hungary, or at least but partially; the interest which attached to the cause was transferred to the persons engaged in it, and both in parliament and in the press a generous spirit of sympathy for the conquered has been widely manifested. But whilst so much importance has been attached to the fate of individuals, little attention has been given to that of the vanquished country. This may, perhaps, explain the small share of interest which the discussion of the subject has excited; for the question of chief interest to England is not the treatment of individuals, but the political organization which is proposed to be effected in Austria—the new position which that State will occupy, if established on the basis which her Government has adopted and already begun to carry into execution.

However great and general a regret may be felt at the atrocities committed by a Power called to exercise an important influence on the destinies of Europe, questions which concern individuals are of a local and restricted character: but such is not the case with those which involve a change in the position of Austria, and which may entail consequences fatal to the peace and the balance of power of Europe,-questions such as the incorporation of Hungary, and the system of centralization in which that act originates. This ceases to be a matter of local interest; for upon the future organization of Austria, and the principles on which this is established, must depend the place she will occupy, and the foreign policy she must adopt; in a word, the nature and measure of the influence she will exert on the affairs of Europe. These considerations raise the question from the ground of local interest, and render it one in which all the Powers concerned in the maintenance of the peace and welfare of Europe have a right and a corresponding duty to take an active interest.

The importance of the projected changes in Austria, and consequently the interest of watching the new organization of that monarchy, cannot be doubted; but here arises the question, has any Power a right to exercise this control, especially after having permitted the Russian intervention in Hungary, which decided the war in favour of Austria ? Without entering into the question whether the great European Powers were right or wrong in allowing the intervention of Russia, it is undeniable that they had the right of protesting, and the possibility of preventing such intervention, which, even the warmest partisans of

Austria admit, was calculated to unsettle the balance of power in Europe, and determine it in favour of Russia. If, notwithstanding these considerations, no protest was made against this infraction of the generally admitted principle of non-intervention, we venture to assert—and such also was the sense of Lord Palmerston's declaration in the House of Commons-that this tacit acquiescence was not caused by any approval of the policy of Austria, nor by any hostility to the cause of Hungary, bat simply by a desire to facilitate the establishment of Austria as a state, which by its free institutions, by its re-organization on a basis to ensure strength and permanence, might have the power no less than the will to become a guarantee of the peace of Europe. We repeat, without discussing the prudence of this policy, that it presents evidently the only motive which can satisfactorily explain the conduct of England with regard to the intervention of Russia. England has a right, and she owes it as a duty to herself, to demand that the Austrian Government should fulfil the conditions which constitute the guarantees of the balance of power in Europe. The tacit acquiescence therefore given to the intervention of Russia, must be considered as accorded under certain conditions.

To prove that other nations have lost the right of interfering with the changes which the Austrian Government purposes to make, Austria must first establish the fact that she has acquired by war the right to effect such changes as she proposes. The Austrian Government declared by all its official acts,-the Emperor affirmed in all his proclamations issued during the war in Hungary,—that it was merely a weak revolutionary party, not the Hungarian nation, whom it was their object to suppress and punish. It would exceed our present purpose to give all these proclamations, which, although so contradictory, that they one day denounced as rebels those whom the day before they had called loyal subjects, and vice versá, yet all agree in attributing the revolution to a small faction of anarchists and foreigners, and disclaiming any intention of attacking the nationality or liberties of Hungary; we shall merely cite the latest proclamation of the Emperor, notifying the acceptation and the object of the Russian intervention. The following is a transcript of this proclamation :

"A rebellious faction, headed by desperate revolutionists-after heaping crime upon crime, and exhausting every art of delusion to seduce you into a treasonable violation of your allegiance, and to dissever the bond which for a long series of years has united our peoples in peace and harmony—is now waging open war against your King, with a view to despoil him of his hereditary rights, and to usurp the sovereign power over you and the property of others. Under the delusive pretence that your nationality and your liberty are endangered, this faction is sacrificing the lives of your sons and brethren, the property of peaceable citizens, the welfare of your flourishing country, and calls upon you to take up arms against us—against your King, who has granted to all his nationalities—those even which did not possess one-a free constitution,—who has guaranteed the integrity of all the nationalities of our great empire, and secured to each of them a claim to equal rights. Nor does this faction restrict itself to its own wicked machinations alone: heedless of our earnest admonitions, it now seeks its main support amidst the outcasts of foreign countries. Thousands of peacebreakers and adventurers, men without either property or civilization, and banded together only by a community of criminal purposes, are in its pay; these men have already become the leaders of the rebelliontheir infamous projects are to be carried out at your cost and with your blood; you yourselves are used as the blind tools of foreign intrigue, for the overthrow of all true liberty, of all legal order, in other countries likewise. To put a stop to such criminal doings, to free you from your oppressors, and to secure peace to our monarchy, so ardently longed for by the vast majority of the people, is therefore not only our duty and our firm resolve, but becomes the duty likewise of every Government which has to watch over the peace and welfare of nations entrusted to its care by Providence, against these common enemies of peace and order. Animated by these sentiments, our august ally, His Majesty the Emperor of Russia, has united with us, to oppose the common enemy. At our desire, and with our full assent, his armies


in Hungary, to terminate, in combination with all the forces at our command, the war which is now devastating your fields. Do not regard them as enemies of your country; they are the friends of your King, who support him with all their power in his firm purpose, to liberate Hungary from the yoke of native and foreign villains. Under the same discipline as our troops, they will afford to every faithful subject merited protection, and employ the same severity in putting down the rebellion ; until the blessing of God gives the victory to the just cause. Given in our Imperial Palace of Schönbrunn, the 12th of May, 1849.


(Countersigned) SCHWARZENBERG.' It is unnecessary to comment on this document, and we shall leave to the reader the task of reconciling the statements here put forth with the terms of the March Constitution, and with what has been enacted since. In this declaration, dated a month after the publication of the March Constitution, the idea of any imminent danger to the liberties and nationality of Hungary is treated as a false calumny; that is to say, the article of the Constitution of March, declaring that Hungary had forfeited her historical rights by the act of revolution, is completely contradicted by the same person who granted this very Constitution; and yet at the present time the act, stigmatized as false and calumnious, is again declared the principle, the basis of

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