service in the countries beyond the Indus. Every man who receives one of these medals may reflect with conscious pride, that they are not given for any single action merely, but for a series of military operations of a nature to which history scarcely furnishes a parallel, and at which posterity will wonder; operations which wiped off the stain upon British glory-restored, both at home and abroad, a confidence in British resources and bravery which seemed to be wavering-rescued our countrymen, and above all, our countrywomen, from a state of captivity worse than death-and vindicated (as the motto on your medal declares) the insulted honour of your Queen! In the memorable year 1842, the force under Major General Sir William Nott, G. C. B., at Kandahar, in the midst of a hostile country, cut off from all support, surrounded by defeat and disaster, preserved its spirit not only unbroken, but unshaken. The gallant leader, unmoved by threatening dangers, put his trust in the God of Battles, and in the indomitable bravery of an army which shared his spirit and never disappointed him. He defeated his assailants on every side, and, stoutly maintaining his own ground, gave time for the restoration of confidence at home. Having received that permission which he longed for, the world beheld the unexampled spectacle of a small force of less than 7,000 men, abandoning all means of retreat as an alternative which they disdained to contemplate, drawing the sword and casting away the scabbard, with the determination to prevail or perish. Alone, unsupported, depending upon Providence and their own good swords, they marched through nearly 300 miles of ravines and passes, in defiance of a nation's threats, and a nation's force. Europe looked on in breathless anxiety, and their junction with the larger force under Major General Sir George Pollock, G. C. B., and the glorious result of those combined movements, of which these medals are the memorials, was hailed with one universal burst of admiration! Of this intrepid band it was the honour of the 3rd regiment of Bombay Light Cavalry to form a part! The only body of regular cavalry attached to the Kandahar force, acting with the troops, and under the officers of another presidency, the merits of your regiment were universally acknowledged. On all occasions, when engaged with the enemy, your daring and valour well sustained the character of the Bombay army. And even when on one melancholy occasion, opposed to a force of ten times your number, and doomed to suffer severely from such overwhelming disproportion, there was no shrinking from the conflict: officers and men stood shoulder to shoulder, and sunk together in death on the same field of honour! But not only in action in the patient endurance of privation, the cheerful obedience, the inflexible discipline, which contribute no less than bravery to form the character of the soldier, in the camp as on the march, amidst the ravages of sickness no less than in the roar of battle, your regiment has ever merited and obtained the highest meed of praise. To crown the glory of your march of 3,000 miles through Central Asia, it was closed by additional laurels won on the east side of the Indus-the well-earned rewards of which your country has yet to bestow. Soldiers of the 3rd Cavalry! receive these medals and glory in them, for well you may! Both they and your regimental standards proclaim the honours you have reaped. May they increase a hundred fold! May you long live to enjoy the praises you have won, and may every successive generation in your regiment, both of officers and men, be fired by your example, and imitate your deeds! The following address of the underwriters and merchants of Bombay has been presented to the senior magistrate, conveying their thanks for his exertions in bringing to an issue the proceedings against Runmul Lucka and his notorious coadjutors, as also in detecting and uprooting the famous Bunder gang. To P. W. Le Geyt, Esq., Senior Magistrate of Police. Sir,-As underwriters and merchants, we beg to offer you our most cordial thanks for your exertions in your official capacity, in following up any information laid before you, until the successful result of them has clearly laid open the nefarious transactions carried into execution by Rumul Lucka and Alloo Paroo, and (we regret to add for the credit of our country), Captain Stephenson of the Ship Belvedere. The importance of this detection to the mercantile community, and especially to the underwriters, is too obvious to require our dwelling on the subject, but it will justify our rendering our best returns in thanks for the kind and affable manner in which you received any information that was laid before you, although for long leading to no satisfactory result; and for the ability and steady energy with which you followed it up, as far as practicable, as also in detecting and bringing to light the operations of the Bunder gang, whose operations, though of minor importance compared with those of Alloo Paroo, yet were also very detrimental to the trade of this port. Assuring you that we shall always remember your conduct in this affair with gratitude and admiration, and which does in our opinion reflect great credit on the high judicial situation which you so ably fill, with every good wish for your future prosperity, &c. &c. &c., we have the honour to be, Sir, your most obe dient servants. (Signed) Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy, Sons, & Remington & Co. Brownrigg & Co. Dirom, Hunter, & Co. Ewart, Lyon, & Co. Higginson & Cardwell, Eglinton, Maclean, & Co. Wm. Nicol & Co. Martin, Murray, & Co. &c. &c. &c. Co. Bombay, 13th February, 1845. To Messrs. Remington & Co., Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy, Sons, & Co., &c. &c. &c. Bombay, 17th February, 1845. Gentlemen,-I have the honour to acknowledge your letter of the 15th instant. I beg you will aecept my best thanks for the flattering and handsome manner in which you have expressed your opinion of my magisterial conduct in the late investigation into the "burning of the Belvidere" and the "Bunder gang." I should not be acting with justice to others, did I not fully acknowledge the assistance and support I have received during these important inquiries, by which I was enabled to arraign the criminals before the tribunal which ultimately convicted them. To the active and zealous exertions of Captain Burrows do the public owe the discovery of the "Bunder gang," and the seizure of those proofs on which the subsequent conviction was grounded; and to the indefatigable exertions and professional talents of Mr. Ayrton do I mainly attribute the success of the prosecution. In the Belvidere case I have to acknowledge the important service rendered by Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy, and by Manockjee Nusserwanjee, to whom the public is under great obligations for their valuable and zealous co-operation with the police authorities. I shall ever retain your letter as a most valuable and gratifying proof that my labours in these arduous and anxious cases have been appreciated by the mercantile community of Bombay. -I remain, gentlemen, your faithful and obedient servant, (Signed) P. W. LE GEYT, Senior Magistrate of Police. THE BACHELORS' BALL.-The fancy ball, of which the durzies' needles closing rivets up have for some weeks past given note of preparation, took place on Monday evening, at the splendid residence of Aga Mahommed Jaffer. There must have been upwards of 200 persons present, and nothing could exceed the splendour of the display. The gentlemen were most conspicuous for the number of costumes and characters exhibited; the ladies for the brilliancy and variety of their fancy dresses, and for the extreme elegance and perfect taste with which they were got up. Lady McMahon, and her daughter, Mrs. Wedderburn, outshone them all in majestic grace and splendour and richness of attire. Among the most conspicuous of the characters we observed two Knights Templar-stalwart and valorous, a palmer and a monk-both excellently sustained; a Neapolitan nobleman, a Metador, a French nobleman of the time of Louis XIV., a squire of the time of Richard III., a couple of Highland chieftains, a Parsee priest, with half a dozen Greeks Jews, Turks, Armenians, and Levantines in general, a Chinese lady and gentleman, a sailor of the N. W. Y. C.-a jolly dog, and no mistake, looking as like a stiff nor'-wester as possible, and several cavaliers of various reigns, especially of that of the first Charles. Of the ladies it is difficult to speak-one royal sovereign graced the room, the fair and graceful Anne Boleyne formed the second; a Scotch fisherwoman, who looked as if she had forgot her sex; a lady of quality of the reign of Queen Anne, several Swiss girls and Turkish ladies, a novice very prettily dressed and tastefully personified, with fancy dresses beyond number. Our Jenkins promised us great things in the way of reporting, but the champagne proved too much for him; he lost his notes, and had, we regret to say, his memory greatly injured, and though he has been endeavouring all day to steady himself with hock and soda water, we suspect brandy is the drug, but he calls it hock-the above is all we can make out of him. When questioning him on costumes, he answers, "such eyes!"-when endeavouring to find out numbers, he raves about liquors! Should he return in time to a more fitting frame of mind, our readers shall have the benefit. Meanwhile, we have a great mind to advertise for a fashionable reporter-this is not the first time we have been served out so.-. -Bombay Times. MILITARY. APPOINTMENTS, &c. DUNSTERVILLE, Lieut. col. J. H. 7th N.I. to be Col. fr. Jan. 1. GRIFFITH, Lieut. col. J. G. art. to be col. by brev. fr. Dec. 26. JAMES, Lieut. col. C. B. 8th N.I. to be col. by brev. fr. Jan. 1. MANSON, Lieut col. A., C.B. art. to be col. by brev. fr. Dec. 26. CEYLON. APPROACHING Departure of THE HON. MR. ANSTRUTHER. -After having served the colonial government during a period of more than twenty years, the Hon. Mr. Anstruther is at length about to bid a final adieu to the shores of Ceylon. We know not that he could take his departure under circumstances more favourable to his name. He has long been the virtual, though not the ostensible head of the island. Government and the last days of his administration are employed in framing an act, the direct tendency of which will be to secure the welfare of our Malabar emigrants, and, as a necessary consequence, the indirect tendency to increase their numbers.-Ceylon Herald, March 4. FORMATION OF AN ASIATIC SOCIETY IN CEYLON.-It gives us much pleasure to learn that measures are in progress for the formation of an "Asiatic Society" in Ceylon, which, it is intended, shall be a branch of the Royal Asiatic Society of London. Mr. Justice Stark is at the head of the movement. THE PUNJAUB. [The recent disturbances in the Punjaub, and their probable revival at an early period, render the following sketch of the most prominent characters in that country interesting.] Our readers may find it satisfactory if we embrace the opportunity afforded by the present political lull in the Punjaub briefly to sketch the condition of parties in that distracted country at the commencement of a year destined, we think, to be fraught with much of serious and lasting consequence to the fortunes of the Sikhs as a nation. We shall therefore make no apology for doing so, although we shall doubtless have to mention much with which many of our readers are as well acquainted as ourselves. Our object in this is to avoid hereafter, on the occurrence of any momentous events, having to explain who the parties are in, and where the theatre of, such events. First, then, for the Court or Durbar. At the head of affairs is the Ranee Chunda, the mother of the Maharaja Dhuleep Singh, a lady of some accomplishments for a Sikhnee, and mistress of her pen, which weapon it was that enabled her to communicate with and excite the troops to their late revolt against Rajah Heera Singh. Finding how efficacious a weapon it therein proved, the Ranee now retains possession of it, and signs all documents and orders with her own fair hand. She presides in the Durbar, sitting within a purdah, on the outer side of which are seated Sirdar Juwahir Singh, her brother, and nominal minister; Bhaee Ram Singh, and the boy Maharaja, Dhuleep. The Ranee Chand Koonr, the mother of Now Nihal Singh, used, during her short reign, to conduct business in a similar manner. The Sikhs instance her, and foretell a speedy end to the present Ranee's power, from the circumstance that her predecessor, who was well known to be endowed with greater talents and courage than the Ranee Chunda, was unable to conduct the details of government to their satisfaction. How much less, then, argue they, can a weaker woman, now that the government requires so much firmer a hand? There is justice, too, in the remark. Ranee Chunda is not a daughter of any of the high houses in the Punjaub, but of a respectable zemindar. Hence she has no actual party of her own among the Sikhs. Next to her comes her brother Sirdar Juwahir Singh. (We do not mention the Maharajah, as he is an infant under control.) This chief is unfitted by nature, education, and habits to re-establish a tottering throne. A man of no talent, and degraded by dissipation of the lowest kind, he may be a brave man and a bold politician occasionally, but success will never adhere to the man who divides his favours between the blind goddess and the dancing girls of Lahore. Fortune brooks no divided reign. 66 Next comes Sirdar Sham Singh, of Attaree, one of the ablest of the Sikhs of the old regime now left in Lahore. We need not enter into particulars regarding Sham Singh's family. To all who have read Bellasis" and the Calcutta Review (Who have not?) it would be useless. Suffice it then here to mention that Sham Singh is supposed not to be quite so attached to the present state of things as he might be. His hot and ungovernable spirit shewed how he spurned a woman's and a debauchee's control when, a few days after the late revolution, he murdered his own relation close to the durbar, in spite of the repeated solicitations of the Ranee that he would not molest him on his coming to court. Bhaee Ram Singh, one of the trusted followers of Runjeet Singh, and a bitter enemy of the Dogras, is the guardian of the young monarch, the lamb rearing to the certain slaughter which constitutes the natural death of a Sikh ruler. Isn't it their natural death? Save the old lion himself, whose addiction to strong drink brought on his end, which of his descendants or successors has died peaceably? Of his sons, Kurruck Singh was suspected of being poisoned by his own son, Now-Nihal Singh. The latter was killed by an upper wall of a gateway thrown down on him purposely. Chand Koonr was strangled by her slave girls, by command of Shere Singh. Shere Singh died by the sword of Ajeet Singh Sindhanwala, one of the royal blood. Shere Singh's son, Purtab Singh, shared his father's fate, Ajeet Singh was killed by young Heera Singh, Uttur Singh was also killed by Heera Singh's party. Who then can venture to predict a death in his bed to the poor victim of his family's ambition, the infant puppet Dhuleep Singh? Energy, vigour, and the influence consequent on them, are the attributes of Bhaee Ram Singh. He will make himself, or sacrifice his whole party. Dewan Dena Nath, the secretary of all the governments, the Talleyrand of the five rivers, with the Fakeer Noor-ood-deen, close the roll of the known characters constituting the present ministry. After them come a host of inferior partizans-Sirdar Heera Singh, the Ranee's young brother; the traitor Rajah Lall Singh, and many others. The above are the heads of one party, the nominal, but not virtual rulers of the state. The real rulers "the Khalsa," as it styles itself, are the army-the Sikh portion of it. Never remarkable for high discipline or blind obedience, the army at present spurns all control. Holding all virtual power in its own hands, it assumes the right to turn out its own officers or those of the state; settles its differences with a ministry by a revolt; its account with mootsuddies by murder. It vowed allegiance to Peshora Singh (a son of Runjeet, older by birth and equal in legitimacy to Dhuleep Singh) on his quitting Lahore for his jagheer at Seealkote, and promised to declare in his favour, as he was the true heir to the throne and country. But it objected to declare itself at once, because it was in arrears of pay, and had not received the promised rewards for marching towards Jumboo. As soon, said its representatives, as we have got these our dues, you shall have the country, which is your "virasut." This is the distinguishing feature of the army at present. It is rioting in plunder and rewards which have sapped both its discipline and its courage, and it will not fight now, if ever again; every individual in it has too much now to lose in money, plunder, and golden necklaces to fight against any attacking power. Time and leave of absence may bring the troops hungry and empty-handed back to their colours; but at present each man is quarrelling and exciting disturbance to secure for himself the largest possible share of the plunder of a throne nodding to its fall. The troops know the government cannot last, and doubt if any succeeding one can be formed, and therefore will riot on till the end and then disband themselves. We know but little of Ittur Singh, Sirdar, who has of late been frequently mentioned in our native friend's letters, and with him must close our sketch of the court and army parties. We next come to consider those opposed to the Court party. Of these, by far the most formidable are the Dogras, now reduced to Rajah Goolab Singh, Meean Juwahir Singh, a son of Rajah Dhyan Singh's, and some younger members of these families. Rajah Soochet Singh's widow professes herself now satisfied with the end the Khalsa have meted out to her husband's murderers; besides she is heirless. Rajah Heera Singh's wives and slaves died with him on the pyre. Rajah Goolab Singh, though his force is very small, numerically, compared to the Sikh army, is formidable from his strong hill-country, the known valour of the hill-men, the immense wealth the family have accumulated in the Hills, and from his own determined character. Sikhs, at any time, approach the Rajah with fear and trembling; and they will be a bold band of Sikhs who first come to actual blows with the Bear of Jumboo. In discipline and material the Rajah's force is superior to the Sikh army as now disorganized. A struggle between them on the plains might be in favour of the latter from their numerous cavalry; but Goolab Singh is an able general, and needs not to read "Bellasis" to learn that a couple of hundred hillmen in a strong pass can keep in check a far superior force of men from the plains, even though drilled to a nicety. The Khalsa at present recommend the durbar to attack Jumboo, but have no thoughts of marching there, only wishing the pretext for more demands of pay and perquisites. The Rajah, au contraire, professes entire obedience to the durbar, and is humouring it in hopes of another storm. At the same time the whole country from Rajawur, along the hills to Attock, and thence to Mittun Kot, is in a state of ferment and rebellion at the Rajah's instigation. He will find the Khalsa work without marching on Jumboo. At Seealkote, a short distance below Jumboo, is Koonr Peshora Singh, above mentioned, who is there waiting the turn of events, and doubtless intriguing with his neighbour of Jumboo. We would be but little surprised to see Peshora Singh ere long on the throne, and the Rajah Goolab Singh, his minister. This would, we think, hold out a fairer promise of a government capable of maintaining itself and restraining its unruly subjects, than any other that can be formed. The main obstacle to this would be the Rajah's disinclination to quit his hill-countries, where, it is whispered, fear rather than love retains his neighbours in the yoke of fidelity. At present, as we have before observed, the Rajah is temporizing. In Kashmere is Sheizh Goolam Moheeood-deen, bold, energetic, and crafty, and wise enough withal to serve his friend the Rajah by a disturbance, without forfeiting his own character. He is a time-server, too, but will probably, should a breach take place, follow the fortunes of Rajah Goolab Singh. In the hill-countries, between Kashmere and Peshawur and the Salt Range, the inhabitants, who are Pathans, are always more or less disaffected, and frequently in open rebellion. They are with difficulty restrained at any time, and will always seize an opportunity of throwing off the Sikh yoke. In this they are encouraged on the one side by Goolab Singh, on the other by Dost Mahomed Khan. Sirdar Tej Singh, the Governor of Peshawur, is too far removed to take a share in Lahore politics, and watch the turn of events. The Affghans of Peshawur and the Doab would gladly throw off the yoke of the Khalsa if they were sure of aid from Dost Mahomed Khan. They are capable of freeing themselves, but not of afterwards maintaining that freedom unaided. They have reason, too, to doubt the Dost's promises, as he took money from Runjeet Singh once before, and left Peshawur to its fate. The Dost's honesty unhappily stands but low in our estimation, and his son's not much higher. We fear money might tempt either the "Good Samaritan" or his father again to throw over their countrymen. It is known that Rajah Goolab Singh is in treaty with Mahomed Ukhbar Khan for troops to march to his aid in the event of the Khalsa attacking him, which troops the Rajah has engaged to pay. This may change the aspect of affairs in the Punjaub yet. South of the hill states we come to Moultan. No real friendship exists between the Khalsa and the sons of the late Dewan Sawunt Mull; they are, besides divided among themselves. It was generally supposed, by those well informed on such subjects, that Sawunt Mull meditated some day or other casting off his allegiance to Lahore. Be that as it may, his sons are not now strong enough to do it. Powerful and wealthy though they be, disturbances prevail throughout the viceroyalty, and it is not nearly so well governed as in the late Dewan's time. The emigration of 3,000 Pathans, a few months ago, from Mooltan to Cabul, shews that there too the shoe pinches, and that the Mahomedan sits not easy under the Hindoo and Sikh rule. Hazara and the neighbouring countries, even if Mooltan be quiet, will keep the young Dewan busy, and prevent for some years (in spite of his name) his exchanging the viceroy's title for a higher one. We have now taken a quick cursory glance at the most prominent characters and parties who are likely for some months to figure in the arena of Lahore politics. Should the warm sun of the East bring out a fresh swarm of these ephemeridæ from the rank corruption and carnage of Lahore, we shall do our best to mark them, as each emerges from his chrysalis state and daguerreotype his likeness. In the meantime we trust this hastily prepared sketch, in spite of numerous inaccuracies which must occur in an article written cur. cal., may prove of some service to our readers, nay, perhaps (for we are ambitious!) may prevent some of our home contemporaries from calling the city of Herat the minister of Lahore, and accusing it under the name of Herat Singh of a conspiracy with the King of Persia and Dost Mahomed Khan to overthrow the Government of India! We must now conclude, and will do so with this sentence. We firmly believe that from the Ranee Chunda, down to the lowest beggar in Lahore, there exists not one individual in the Punjaub, save the disorderly troops, who would not hail as a godsend the advent of a British army, yet none dare shew that feeling.-Delhi Gazette, Jan. 29. SCINDE. The intelligence received from Scinde by the last steamer is worthy of special notice. It is that Sir Charles Napier has been completely successful in his dour against Bejar Khan, whom he surprised and obliged to quit his camp and all his property. Bejar Khan, with some of his adherents, were reduced to starvation, and it was supposed that they would be soon obliged to surrender themselves prisoners. It is further stated that Sir Charles Napier purposes giving the districts, of which the Doomkies, Jakranees, and Booglies have made such bad use, to the Murrees, whom he describes as an honest and honourable tribe, who respect their promises and adhere to their pledges. This arrangement is calculated to produce a lasting friendship between the Murrees and the British, and it will also serve to preserve the frontiers of Scinde in a state of defence against all future forays from those districts.-Bombay Gentleman's Gazette, Feb. 13. We yesterday received news from Scinde of the 10th inst, to the following effect:-" Beejar Khan had communicated with Ali Morad, begging of him to make terms for him with the Government, saying that he would, with all his followers, come in and lay down their arms before him, provided his life should be spared, and he be allowed some land." Sir Charles, it is said, sent word, "Let him and his followers all come in and do so, I may then spare his life, and grant him, perhaps, some land on the other side of the Indus; but if I hear of any more looting or murder, I'll hang every one of them." He has, it is said, accepted the terms, and was to be in the Governor's camp in two days after. Sir Charles was driving him gradually to starvation, and had resolved, if the terms were not listened to, on hunting the enemy until he did make them submit or fight for it, should he be detained in the Hills for six months longer! This intelligence of Beejar's intended submission we believe to be certain. The 7th cavalry, composed of about 230 sabres (all ranks included), left Shikarpore on the 6th, at 11 A.M. for Khanghur, to relieve the Bundlecund cavalry and hold that post. An order came from General Hunter, while there, for the head-quarters to return immediately, leaving a detachment of 150 to forward supplies. The head-quarters accordingly returned on the 9th, escorting thirty-seven more prisoners. Thirty-five of these had been sent in from Shahpore and two from Rajban. These fellows had sent off a letter to Beejar Khan, informing him of there being an immense quantity of property inside the Fort of Khanghur and plenty of food for him and all who should come in with him. This letter was intercepted, the men seized and sent into Khangur at onceall are now in the jail a Shikarpore. There are about three or four hundred men sick at this fort, scarcely strong enough to shoulder a musket or carry a sword. The 'campaign,' it is thought, may now be looked upon as concluded, and, though short, it must have proved a rather harassing one to the troops. The Europeans got a few shots at their game in the Hills, but have had no opportunity of a fair fight. They are described as 'a very compact, smart body of men, marching at a devil of a pace.' We hear there is a great probability of the light cavalry being sent back to the provinces - from the regular cavalry being useless in such a country and costing the Government a very heavy sum. There were upwards of ninety in hospital at Shikarpore."-Calcutta Star, Feb. 26. We have news from Scinde of 17th ult. On the morning of that day a letter came in from Captain Mowatt, of the horse artillery, dated Head-quarters, Camp, 14th (no place named) at 1 P.M., stating that the whole force had assembled there. Horses all saddled, and ready to turn out at a moment's notice. Six chiefs had come in, together with Beejar Khan's son, Wuzeer Khan. The "old fox" had not come in himself, but was hourly looked for. Six sowars of the 6th irregular cavalry had been cut up some few days before, conveying the dâks. They were attacked, it is said, by a body of 50 Beloochees; one or two of the escort happened to escape. Some of Ali Morad's men are believed to have been among the attacking party. A number of gareewans had arrived at Khanghur awfully mauled, and kept the surgeon well employed from 6 A.M. to 3 P.M. dressing their wounds, A party sent out from Khanghur with the dâk to Shahpore had come back in the evening, reporting that the road was infested with Beloochees. However, the packet was sent off the next morning in charge of a havildar's party of the detachment of cavalry. We may daily expect intelligence of old Beejar's submission. Sir Charles seems to have out-generalled the famed hill robber by his untiring perseverance and quickness of movement.-Calcutta Star, March 5. BOKHARA. (From the Friend of India.) NARRATIVE OF DR. WOLFF'S VISIT TO BOKHARA.-Having been favoured with the perusal of a brief narrative of Dr. Wolff's intrepid journey to Bokhara, in quest of our unfortunate country. men Stoddart and Conolly, with permission to avail ourselves of it, we have the pleasure of presenting our readers with a concise epitome of the facts in which they are most likely to feel an inte rest. In making this selection we have been guided by a wish not to anticipate, in the remotest degree, the fuller and more interesting narration of his adventures and escapes, which the Doctor proposes, as we hear, to publish, but rather to excite the public curiosity for that work. Dr. Wolff left Teheran in the month of February 1843, and was accompanied out of the town by the English gentlemen attached to the political mission at the Persian court, who took leave of him with the melancholy anticipation that they should see his face no more. On his arrival at Meshed, Hajee Ibrahim, the brother of the Naib Abdool Summut, Khan of Bokhara, to whose agency the death of Stoddart, Conolly, and other Europeans is justly attributed, waited on him, and gave him the uncomfortable assurance that as soon as he reached the frontier he would be seized and cast into prison, with his eyes bound, because he had no credentials from the Court of England. The Hajee asserted that the Ameer had confined Conolly and Stoddart because they had no letters from the Queen; that a letter at length arrived from the Governor-General, in which he detailed his proceedings in Affghanistan, and interceded for the two British officers as harmless travellers; that this incensed the Ameer, and induced him to put them to death; and that a letter from the Sultan was treated with contempt. But Wolff was not without friends at Meshed. From Asuf-ood-dowlah, the Persian Governor of Khorassan, he received the most genuine kindness; and was advised to engage a respectable Mehmandar to accompany him to Bokhara, not only to afford him protection on the route, but also assistance at the Court of the Ameer. The Governor offered to pay one-half the man's expenses, a hundred tomans, himself. The person selected for this office was Dill Assa Khan, of the tribe of Merve, the original inhabitants of that town before it was occupied by the Turkomans. The Merves are notorious even in that region for their avarice and treachery. In Dill Assa Khan all the vices of his race were concentrated, and they had been improved in the service of Yar Mahomed, Khan of Herat. Asufood-Dowlah had taken Dill Assa into service, and given him the village of Nasarieh, and made him chief of the Merves; he thought, therefore, that he could depend on the man's fidelity, and secure the benefit of his influence over his own tribe at Bokhara. But he turned out to be a most accomplished scoundrel; and, but for the interposition of others, would have been instrumental in Dr. Wolff's destruction. On the route, he made constant demands for fresh advances of money, and endeavoured to frustrate the mission. Twice was Dr. Wolff obliged to despatch a horseman with letters to Asuf-ood-Dowlah to complain of his villany; and twice were letters sent from him to the Mehmandar, threatening him with the extirpation of his family if he did not behave faithfully. But as soon as the horseman's back was turned, Dill Assa Khan returned to his villanous practices. The party at length arrived at Jehaarjoo, the first place within the limits of Bokhara, from whence Dr. Wolff sent on a letter to the Ameer, who had, however, been previously informed of his approach by a letter from the Khaleefa of Merve. He proceeded onwards to Karakol, where rooms were assigned him by the governor, and provisions supplied the party by order of the Ameer. On their arrival at Shehr Islam, the King's private chamberlain was sent to welcome him, and sweetmeats were brought; and that official gave him the assurance of his Majesty's goodwill. Soon after, Dr. Wolff proceeded from the Shehr Islam to Bokhara, dressed in full canonicals, with his Bible in his hand, and surrounded by thousands, exclaiming Salaam Alikoom. Just at this juncture, Dill Assa Khan came up to him and whispered that he ought to enter Bokhara as a poor man; on which the Doctor turned round to him and said, Traitor, liar, and man-stealer, stand off; you will be put to death when you return to Meshed, by Asuf-ood-dowlah." He was He was As the intrepid traveller entered the city, he looked round on all sides in the hope of discovering in the crowd which surrounded him, the faces of Stoddart and Conolly, but in vain. conducted straight towards the royal palace; and as he approached it, voices from the crowd inquired what book he held in his hand. The Tourat-i-Moosa (the law of Moses), the Saboor-i-Daood (Psalms of David), and the Anjeel-i-Esau (the Gospel of Jesus), and many came up and devoutly touched the book. ordered to dismount at the gate, and conducted to a bench, from whence he was required to send up his papers to the Ameer. These consisted of two letters from the Sultan, one from Mahomed Shah, King of Persia; another from the prime minister of that court; one from his Exc. Count Meden, the Russian minister at Teheran, to the Ameer himself; and another from the Sheikh-ulIslam of Constantinople, to the Cazi Kilaan, or grand judge of Bokhara. After the letters had been sent, Dr. Wolff and Dill Assa Khan were brought before the Ameer, who was seated in the balcony. The master of the ceremonies laid his hands on their shoulders, and made them bow down, and ordered them to lay their hands on their breasts. Dr. Wolff clasped his Bible to his heart, and exclaimed "Salaamut Padshah." The Ameer, as he afterwards learnt, exclaimed, "What an extraordinary man is this Englishman, in his eyes, and his dress, and his book!" A day or two after, he sent to make inquiries about this dress, when the Doctor informed him that it was the costume of the great Moollahs in England; that the black signified that he mourned for his lost friends, and the red colour of his hood that he was ready to lay down his life for his religion. ran, Soon after they were taken into a side-room to be questioned by the Shakhawl, an officer of state. Dr. Wolff told him that he was a celebrated Moollah and Dervish from England, who was in Bokhara twelve years before, and had been hospitably received and graciously allowed to depart; that Sir Alexander Burnes had subsequently arrived there, and had been well entertained; and that this conduct of his Majesty had been made known through Europe; that Colonel Stoddart, his friend, and Captain Conolly, his murreed (spiritual disciple), had subsequently arrived in the holy city of Bokhara; and that it had been reported through Europe how they had been killed by order of the Ameer; that this report had created a great sensation through Hindoostan, and England, and Europe, and the new world (America); that he, seeing this commotion through the earth about the death of these officers, had made known his belief, through the papers, that as they were guests they could not have been murdered, and stated that he was ready to go and ascertain the fact; that his friends seeing his determination, prevailed on the English Government to procure through their ambassadors at Constantinople and Teheletters of introduction from those sovereigns to the Ameer. "I ask, therefore," said he, "whether my friends are alive or dead. If alive, I beg his Majesty to send them back with me to England; if they are dead, I beg to know the cause; and I ask his Majesty to send an ambassador with me to propitiate my Queen.” This request was made by Dr. Wolff chiefly with the view of obtaining protection from the wild tribes, and the villany of Dill Assa Khan, on his return. He distinctly disclaimed any authority from the British Government, but said that if the officers were alive, he was authorized to claim them by all the powers of Europe, and of the British nation. This conversation appears to have been reported to the Ameer, who soon after sent his favourite Mahram and a Mirza, with his gracious order that Wolff would answer two questions,-1st, whether he was able to wake the dead? and 2ndly, when the day of resurrection would take place? Wolff replied that with God's power, one might be enabled to do every thing, for God was mighty above all; and that if God (whose name be praised) gave him that power, he would be able to exercise it; but that hitherto he had not received such power. In reply to the second question, he said, that when he was in Bokhara twelve years before, he told the Jews, and also the Goosh Begee, that Jesus Christ would appear on earth in fifteen years; but that he had subsequently entertained some doubt about the correctness of his calculations, as the numbers mentioned in the prophet Daniel admitted of a double meaning; but that the time of Christ's coming was certainly at hand. These answers were duly reported to the Ameer. Soon after, he was summoned to attend at the garden of the Naib Abdool Summut Khan. Twelve yeaas before, Sir Alexander Burnes had put him on his guard against this man, who he said was a special rascal, and a great enemy to the English. Dr. Wolff, therefore, avoided him at Peshawur in 1832, but was now brought under his influence. The man was born at Tabrez in 1784, and having acquired some little military knowledge in Kermanshah from General Court, was employed by Mahomed Ali Mirza, of Persia, who, however, had cut his ears off for some offence. He then fled to India, and afterwards to Cabool, and at length to Bokhara, where the good Goosh Begee procured him service with the king to discipline his soldiers in the European style. He had acquired a large fortune, and lived in much pomp, and was fond of passing for a European. To this man Dr. Wolff was now conducted, and to the very room where the Naib had often conversed with Stoddart and Conolly. After the usual embraces, food was laid out, and while the party was partaking of it, the Naib addressed himself to Dr. Wolff in some such strain as this. At present England and Bokhara are enemies, but when you hear how your officers behaved here, the two countries will be reconciled. As Colonel Stoddart entered Bokhara, his Majesty was returning from a pilgrimage to a neighbouring shrine. The colonel was asked to dismount, but refused, saying he had no orders to do so. The Ameer smiled, and said he was a guest. When the Shakhawl touched his shoulders, as he did yours, to cause him to bend the head, he laid his hand on his sword. No notice was taken of this, and he was placed in the house now allotted to you. Soon after, the Raes, an officer of the town, called on him, and asked whether he was an Elchee, an ambassador, or a soudagur, a merchant. Stoddart gave him a coarse reply, and was imprisoned. At length, impelled by fear, he said he would become a Mahomedan; he accordingly became a Moosulman, but soon after avowed the Christian religion. It was, however, agreed that he should write to England for credentials, and he held out the hope of receiving a reply in four months; but fourteen months elapsed without an answer. During this period Captain Conolly went from Khiva to Kokan, exciting both countries to wage war with Bokhara. He finally arrived at Bokhara, announcing himself as an agent of the English Government, but bringing no letters. He assured the Ameer that the British Government would not interfere in the affairs of Toorkistan, and that Colonal Stoddart's letter would go for nothing. Thus the deceit of Colonel Stoddart became manifest. During their stay in Bokhara, they embraced whatever opportunities offered of sending letters by stealth to Cabool, and the Ameer resolved to put them to death. They were accordingly both brought, with their hands tied behind, to the palace of the King, in the presence of Mahram Sadaat, when Colonel. Stoddart Captain Conolly kissed each other; and the former calling out to Sadaat, said, "Tell the Ameer I die a disbeliever in Mahomed, but a believer in Jesus Christ; that I am a Christian, and a Christian I die." Conolly said, "Stoddart, we shall see each other in Paradise near Jesus." Sadaat then ordered Col. Stoddart's head to be struck off, which was done; and in the same manner the head of Captain Conolly was severed from his body. and This conversation satisfied Dr. Wolff that the objects of his generous solicitude, for whose safety he had perilled his own life, were beyond the reach of human aid; and that his wisest plan was to get away from Bokhara in the quickest and best manner he could. He therefore told the Naib that it became the Ameer to send an ambassador to apologize to England for his conduct. This conversation was noted down by the Meerza and sent to the Ameer, who was so impatient to receive it, that he despatched three messengers to know the result of the interview. As soon as the Mahram had gone to the Ameer with the report, the Naib desired Dill Assa Khan and the servants to retire, and then, with tears in his eyes, told Dr. Wolff that Col. Stoddart and Capt. Conolly had been put to death without a sin or a crime; that when the former came to the Naib, he was utterly worn out, and looked as pale as the wall, and had not a shirt to his back; that he, the Naib, offered the Ameer a hundred thousand tillahs for their lives, but the Ameer replied that they were spies and must die; that another Englishman arrived soon after, who was also put to death; and that the Ameer would not scruple to put him, the Naib, to death also, if he did not consider his services necessary in his wars. He then proposed that the British Government should despatch officers to Khiva and Kooloom, and Kokan, and send him twenty thousand tillahs, for which he would give them his support, and blow his master up with a mine of gunpowder. "I will make," said he "Halt, front," the only English words, besides "no force," which he knew; and then lifting his eyes to heaven, "Inshallah! I will put him to death." Dr. Wolff, who regarded the Naib as a profound hypocrite, told him that neither the British Government nor any Christian would approve of such conduct; for kings were regarded as the "shadows of God." The Naib then produced a document, written by poor Stoddart in November, 1841, in which he said that he had received eminent services from him, Abdool Summut Khan, who had been very kind to him while he was recovering from ague and fever, and had received and forwarded communications from and to the Ameer, and with Government; and that he gave him this testimonial by way of introduction to any Englishman, with his best prayer that God would bless him and his family. The Naib also shewed a receipt from Captain Conolly for 3,000 tillahs, which that officer had received and promised to invest for him in the English funds. It was signed "Arthur Conolly, on a special mission to Toorkistan." The evening now drew on, and a band of soldiers belonging to the Naib approached, and, to the agreeable surprise of Dr. Wolff, struck up "God save Victoria our Queen." In the course of the conversation, he asked whether there were any Rusian slaves in and about the city, and was told that their number amounted to about twenty; on which he offered to ransom them for 1,000 tillahs. The Naib then pressed him to take charge of 3,000 tillahs, and invest it in the Bank of England; but Wolff very judiciously declined to travel through such a lawless country with such a treasure. They then sat down to supper in the open garden, and the Naib said he was surprised that he should have come with a shabby present, worth in the bazaar not more than 10 tillahs, for so mighty a sovereign as Nasuroolah, and advised him to purchase nime times nine shawls, according to the usage of the country, for a sum which would not exceed 2,430 tillahs; but Dr. Wolff repressed his avarice by explaining to him his real circumstances, and stated that the Government of England was fully convinced of the death of Stoddart and Conolly, and that a mighty vizier, Sir Robert Peel, had affirmed it in a great assembly where all the grandees of the empire met; and that some friends of his had collected 1,000 tillahs to enable him to journey to Bokhara and ascertain the fact; but, he added, rather incautiously, that if the two officers had been alive, he might have felt himself authorized to expend such a sum for their ransom. It was now about midnight, when the Mahram came in breathless haste to say that the Ameer had read the paper, and said that an ambassador would be ready to accompany Dr. Wolff back to England in a few days. The Naib on this told him he was at liberty to depart, and that an arrangement would be made with the Khafila bashee for camels on the morrow. It appears that three days after this, Wolff waited on the Naib to solicit permission to depart, when he was required to sign a receipt for 5,000 tillahs, of which 3,000 were to be given him to be deposited in the Bank of England; 1,000 as the price of the Russian slaves who were to be delivered up, and the remaining 1,000 for Stoddart's and Conolly's effects, and for the bribes which the Naib had distributed on his behalf. Strange to say, Dr. Wolff signed the receipt before he received the money, the slaves, or the effects. That very evening, Mahram Hossein came from the Ameer with a message that the letter and the ambassador for the Queen were ready; but that his Majesty had just heard that the English envoy at Teheran had offered to pay a thousand tillahs for every day that the Bokhara ambassador was detained within the Persian dominions, and was resolved, therefore, to retain Joseph Wolff as a hostage for his own minister. He was thunderstruck with the news, and begged that the receipt might be returned, which the Naib refused, but promised to intercede with the Ameer the next Sunday for his departure. The next day, he brought before Dr. Wolff, an old Russian female, a hundred and eleven years of age, who had known the Empress Catharine, and asked her whether she would return to Russia. She of course replied that she wished to lay her bones in Bokhara. Other Russians were also brought forward who were married in the town and had children, and declared their unwillingness to leave the country. Some of the officers of the Naib then took Dr. Wolff aside, and comforted him with the assurance that he would find the Naib a scoundrel, that he had betrayed Stoddart and Conolly to death, and had obtained back from the latter, after his execution, the 3,000 tillahs he had deposited with him, and for which he held his receipt. A few days after, while Wolff was at the Naib's garden, Nasir Khair-oolla entered it. This man was by birth a Kafir Seeaposh, an inhabitant of the mountains near the Khyber, who are as fair as Europeans, and are by some said to be the descendants of the army of Alexander the Great. He was or pretended to be the friend of Stoddart, for whom he was evidently mistaken by those who informed Mr. Layard of Constantinople that the Colonel was still alive. While Dr. Wolff was thus detained at Bokhara, or rather while his departure was thus delayed on various pretences, Abbas Koolee Khan, the envoy of the King of Persia, arrived in that city, and Dr. Wolff immediately waited on him, and was assured that he had orders to provide for his safe return. But the credulity of Wolff, which led him to put confidence in every idle rumour, was a source of perpetual anxiety. The Naib sent for him soon after the ambassador's arrival, and told him that Yar Mahomed Khan had reported how Colonel Shiel and Wolff had quarrelled with the Bokhara envoy, and called the Ameer a robber, for having purloined Stoddart's and Conolly's property. Yar Mahomed had therefore advised the Ameer to put Wolff to death, but the Naib said he would protect him. The roguish Naib soon after told him the incredible story that the King of Persia had requested the Ameer, through Abbas Koolee Khan, to put Wolff to death. One evening the Doctor was alarmed by the sight of what he considered a guard round his bed, but they did him no harm. The following morning he was again startled by a messenger who came to summon him to the Ameer, and he now determined to make his escape from the town, and find his way as he could out of the country, but he was brought back, or returned of his own accord, to the house of the Naib's son. Then, one Ameer Abool Kassim was introduced to him as the ambassador who was to accompany him to England; but Wolff, with less discretion than usual, told him that he was sure the Ameer would put him to death, and he sent the Naib by this man a slip of paper on |