there, to raise an army and make war against the king, in order to avenge himself for his barbarous treatment. But Xerxes being informed of his hasty departure, and from thence suspecting the design he had conceived against him, sent a party of horse after him to pursue him; which having overtaken him, cut him in pieces, together with his children and all his retinue. I do not know whether a more tragical example of revenge, than I have now related, is to be found in history. *There is still another action, no less cruel or impious than the former, related of Amestris. She caused 14 children of the best families in Persia to be burnt alive, as a sacrifice to the infernal gods, out of compliance with a superstitious custom practised by the Persians. † Masistus being dead, Xerxes gave the government of Bactriana to his second son Hystaspes; who being by that means obliged to live at a distance from the court, gave his younger brother Artaxerxes the opportunity of ascending the throne to his disadvantage, after the death of their father, as will be seen in the sequel. Here ends Herodotus's history, viz. at the battle of Mycale, and the siege of the city of Sestus by the Athenians. SECTION XII. THE ATHENIANS REBUILD THE WALLS OF THEIR CITY, NOTWITHSTANDING THE OPPOSITION OF THE LACE DEMONIANS. THE war t, commonly called the war of Media, which had lasted but two years, being terminated in the manner we have mentioned, the Athenians returned to their own country, sent for their wives and children, whom they had committed to the care of their friends during the war, and began to think of rebuilding their city, which was almost entirely destroyed by the Persians, and to surround it with strong walls,in order to secure it from farther violence. The Lacedæmonians having intelligence of this, conceived a jealousy, and began to apprehend, that Athens, which was already very powerful by sea, if it should go on to increase its strength by land also, might take upon her in time to give laws to Sparta, and to deprive her of that authority and pre-eminence, which she had hitherto exercis * Herod. 1. vii. c. 114. A. M. 3526. Diod. 1. xi. p. 30, 31. † Diod. 1. xi. p. 53. Thucyd. 1. viii. p. 59–62. Ant. J. C. 478. ed over the rest of Greece. They therefore sent an embassy to the Athenians, the purport of which was, to represent to them that the common interest and safety required, that there should be no fortified city out of the Peloponnesus, lest, in case of a second irruption, it should serve for a place of arms for the Persians, who would be sure to settle themselves in it, as they had done before at Thebes, and who from thence would be able to infest the whole country, and to make themselves masters of it very speedily. Themistocles, who since the battle of Salamin was greatly considered and respected at Athens, easily penetrated into the true design of the Lacedæmonians, though it was gilded over with the specious pretext of public good: but as the latter were able, with the assistance of their allies, to hinder the Athenians by force from carrying on the work, in case they should positively and absolutely refuse to comply with their demands, he advised the senate to make use of cunning and dis simulation as well as they. The answer therefore they made their envoys was, that they would send an embassy to Sparta, to satisfy the commonwealth concerning their jealousies and apprehensions. Themistocles got himself to be nominated one of the ambassadors, and persuaded the senate not to let his colleagues set out along with him, but to send them one after another, in order to gain time for carrying on the work. The matter was executed pursuant to his advice; and he accordingly went alone, to Lacedæmon, where he let a great many days pass without waiting upon the magistrates, or applying to the senate. And upon their pressing him to do it, and asking him the reason why he deferred it so long, he made answer, that he waited for the arrival of his colleagues, that they might all have their audience of the senate together, and seemed to be very much surprised that they were so long in coming. At length they arrived; but all came singly, and at a good distance of time one from another. During all this while, the work was carried on at Athens with the utmost industry and vigour. The women,children, strangers, and slaves, were all employed in it: nor was it interrupted night or day. The Spartans were not ignorant of the matter, but made great complaints of it to Themistocles, who positively denied the fact, and pressed them to send other deputies to Athens, in order to inform themselves better of the fact; desiring them not to give credit to loose and flying reports, without foundation. At the same time he secretly advised the Athenians to detain the Spartan envoys as so many hostages, until he and his colleagues were returned from their embassy, fearing, not without good reason. that they themselves might be served in the same manner at Sparta. At last, when all his fellow-ambassadors were arrived, he desired an audience, and declared in full senate, that it was really true the Athenians had resolved to fortify their city with strong walls; that the work was almost completed; that they had judged it to be absolutely necessary for their own security, and for the public good of the allies; telling them at the same time, that after the great experience they had of the Athenian people's behaviour, they could not well suspect them of being wanting in their zeal for the common interest of their country; that, as the condition and privileges of all the allies ought to be equal, it was just the Athenians should provide for their own safety by all the methods they judged necessary, as well as the other confederates; that they had thought of this expedient, and were in a condition to defend their city against whomsoever should persume to attack it; and that as for the Lacedæmonians, it was not much for their honcur, that they should desire to establish their power and superiority rather upon the weak and defencless condition of their allies, than upon their own strength and valour. The Lacedæmonians were extremely displeased with this discourse: but either out of a sense of gratitude and esteem for their country, or out of a conviction that they were not able to oppose their enterprise, they dissembled their resentment; and the ambassadors on both sides, having all suitable honours paid them, returned to their respective cities. Themistocles, who had always his thoughts fixed upon raising and augmenting the power and glory of the Athenian commonwealth, did not confine his views to the walls of the city. He went on with the same vigorous application to finish the building and fortifications of the Piræus: for, from the > time he entered into office, he had begun that great work. Before his time they had no other port at Athens but that of Phalerus, which was neither very large nor commodious, and consequently not capable of answering the great designs of Themistocles. For this reason he had cast his eye upon the Piræus, which seemed to invite him by its advantageous situation, and by the conveniency of its three spacious havens, which were capable of containing above 400 vessels. This undertaking was prosecuted with so much vigilance and vivacity, * Graviter castigat eos, quod non virtute, sed imbecillitate sociorum, potentiam quærerent. Justin. 1. ii. c. 15. †Thucyd. p. 62, 65. Died. 1. xi. p. 32, 3. that the work was considerably advanced in a very little time. Themistocles likewise obtained a decree, that every year they should build 20 vessels for the augmentation of their fleet: and, in order to engage the greater number of workmen and sailors to resort to Athens, he caused particular privileges and immunities to be granted in their favour. His design was, as I have already observed, to make the whole force of Athens maritime; in which he fowllowed a very different scheme of politics from what had been pursued by their ancient kings, who, endeavouring all they could to alienate the minds of the citizens from seafaring business and from war, and to make them apply themselves wholly to agriculture and to peaceable employments, published this fable: That Minerva disputing with Neptune, to know which of them should be declared patron of Attica, and give their name to the city newly built, she gained her cause by showing her judges the branch of an olive-tree, the happy symbol of peace and plenty, which she had planted; whereas Neptune had made a fiery horse, the symbol of war and confusion, rise out of the earth before them." SECTION XIII. THE BLACK DESIGN OF THEMISTOCLES REJECTED UNANIMOUSLY BY THE PEOPLE OF ATHENS. THEMISTOCLES*, who conceived the design of supplanting the Lacedæmonians, and of taking the government of Greece out of their hands, in order to put it into those of the Athenians, kept his eye aud his thoughts continually fixed upon that great object. And as he was not very nice or scrupulous in the choice of his measures, whatever tended towards the accomplishing of the end he had in view, he looked upon as just and lawful. On a certain day then he declared, in a full assembly of the people, that he had a very important design to propose, but that he could not communicate it to the people; because its success required it should be carried on with the greatest secrecy : he therefore desired they would appoint a person, to whom he might explain himself upon the matter in question. Aristides was unanimously pitched upon by the whole assembly, who referred themselves entirely to his opinion of the affair: so great a confidence had they both in his probity and prudeuce. Themistocles therefore having taken him aside, told * Plut. in Themist. p. 121, 122. in Arist. p. 332. him, that the design he had conceived was to burn the fleet belonging to the rest of the Grecian states which then lay in a neighbouring port, and that by this means Athens would certainly become mistress of all Greece. Aristides hereupon returned to the assembly, and only declared to them, that in deed nothingcould be more advantageous to the commonwealth than Themistocles's project, but that at the same time nothing in the world could be more unjust. All the people unanimously ordained that Themistocles should entirely desist from his project. We see in this instance, that the title of just was not given to Aristides, even in his lifetime, without some foundation: a title, says Plutarch, infinitely superior to all those which conquerors pursue with so much ardour, and which, in some measure, approaches a man to the divinity. I do not know whether all history can afford us a fact more worthy of admiration than this. It is not a company of philosophers (to whom it costs nothing to establish fine maxims and sublime notions of morality in the schools) who determine on this occasion, that the consideration of profit and advantage ought never to prevail in preference to what is honest and just. It is an entire people, who are highly interested in the propo sal made to them, who are convinced that it is of the greatest importance to the welfare of the state, and who however reject it with unanimous consent, and without a moment's hesitation and that for this only reason, that it is contrary to justice. How black and perfidious, on the other hand, was the design which Themistocles proposed to them, of burning the fleet of their Grecian confederates, at a time of entire peace, solely to aggrandize the power of the Athenians! Had he an hundred times the merit ascribed to him, this single action would be sufficient to sully all his glory. For it is the heart, that is to say, integrity and probity, that constitutes and distinguishes true merit, I am sorry that Plutarch, who generally judges of things with great justness, does not seem on this occasion to condemn Themistocles. After having spoken of the works he had effected in the Piræus, he goes on to the fact in question, of which he says, "*Themistocles projected something still "greater for the augmentation of their maritime power." The Lacedæmonians having proposed in the council of the Amphictyons, that all the cities which had not taken arıns against Xerxes, should be excluded from that assembly, The Μειζόν τι διενοήθκιας VOL. III. + Plut. in Themist. p. 122. G |