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times, so those who were illuminated by it, declined the military profession; and that, as its flame shone less clear, they had less objection to it. Thus, in the two first centuries, when Christianity was the purest, there were no Christian soldiers. In the third century, when it became less pure, there is frequent mention of such soldiers. And in the fourth, when its corruption was fixed, Christians entered upon the profession of arms with as little hesitation as they entered upon any other occupation in life."*

Every reasonable and candid professor of the Christian religion, will undoubtedly acknowledge, that the gospel of Christ breathes "peace and good will to man;" and that the very object of this gospel is, to subdue the ferocious and wicked passions of man, and bring them into subjection to the law of Christ. Therefore the advocates of war must either vindicate its necessity, upon the supposition that the gospel is not adequate to the purpose for which it was given, or confess that they violate its precepts. In maintaining the former opinion, they dishonor God and deny Christ, by denying the efficacy of his gospel. In admitting the latter, they dishonor themselves, as believers in the gospel, by acting in direct opposition to its conciliating precepts.

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Wars will doubtless continue as long as nations and rulers continue to maintain that kind of policy which, in its nature, is calculated to promote the spirit of war. policy requires a military attitude, and a constant preparation for war. It also requires, in case of dispute between two nations, a dignified, or rather an arrogant spirit and tone of language, or what high-minded politicians consider as an honorable and independent attitude in negotiation, lest the nation should appear to betray weakness, or fear. Such an attitude on the part of one nation, naturally produces the same attitude and tone of language in the opposite party. And in proportion as each nation considers itself prepared to maintain its supposed rights at the point of the sword; so the tone and language of each becomes more unyielding and peremptory, and terms of accommodation are thrown at a greater distance, till exasperation commences, and actual hostilities ensue. These are the natural, and we will venture to say, almost unavoidable consequences of that kind of worldly policy which is so much approved, and so highly esteemed by nations and rulers, who cherish and maintain the principles of war, as the only safe protection of a nation.

* Clarkson, vol. iii. ch. 3. sec. 4.

This kind of policy has been sufficiently proved to convince any candid and rational mind, that it can never succeed in promoting peace and harmony between nations, any more than between societies and individuals in private life; and every observing person has seen enough of the effects of a haughty, self-sufficient, and unyielding temper and spirit, in private life, to know its natural tendency.

The happifying spirit of peace enjoins upon us, and upon all who claim any relation to the Prince of peace, or any interest in his gospel, a policy very different from the above described policy of the world. It enjoins the heaven-born policy of the gospel ;-that policy which Jesus Christ taught when he said, "Blessed are the peace-makers; for they shall be called the Children of God." It enjoins meekness, patience, forbearance, moderation and love; with a careful regard to the principles of justice and equity on both sides.

Were this kind of policy carefully observed, and punctually maintained between nations, and all hostile preparations laid aside, wars would soon become unpopular, and of course, would be abolished; not merely as needless, but as ruinous to the happiness and prosperity of a nation. They would then appear odious and disgusting to the reflections and feelings of every wise and honest statesman; and national rulers might be able to realize a felicity to them unknown before; namely, that exalted felicity which arises from a conciousness of preserving and extending the blessings of peace and happiness to their people, by every lawful means in their power. This would bring greater honor upon nations and rulers, than all they could possibly gain in a thousand wars.

Some will doubtless be ready to express their fears and apprehensions of hostilities on the part of other nations: their language is, "If we should cease from war, and from all defensive preparations, we should be exposed to the evil designs of our adversaries, who would take advantage of our defenceless state, and " come and take away our place and nation." This was the fear of the old Jews, at the first promulgation of the gospel of peace, by Jesus Christ himself; and the same fear has been handed down, from generation to generation, even to this day. But what sort of fear is this? Certainly it is not a fear which arises from true courage and confidence in the gospel of Christ. We can call it nothing but that cowardly fear which springs from conscious guilt, such as that which "makes the devils tremble"; a fear which finds no place in a justified conscience; but

is very often found among the advocates of war: hence their reasons for maintaining a warlike attitude. To such we might justly say with the celebrated Roman poet; Degeneres animos timor arguit.*

But the ready answer of the peace-loving Christian is, We should have no adversaries; of course, no evil designs could be formed against those who have no adversaries. The fair and open practice of pacific principles, would soon disarm even the most savage nations; as was fairly proved by William Penn and his colony of Quakers, in the first settlement of Pennsylvania.

Pursuant to our design on this subject, we shall proceed to show the beneficial influence of pacific principles; and how far they have tended to promote the happiness and prosperity of mankind, and been the means of protecting those who have been governed thereby, from the evils incident to a state of war. We shall begin with

THE CHINESE EMPIRE.

According to the best accounts, it appears that this empire rose about the same time with those of Babylon and Assyria. It also appears that the Chinese, from their earliest rise, have maintained a more pacific policy than any other nation known in history. This is undoubtedly the cause of the long duration of that empire, and of its unexampled prosperity and numerous population. While all other nations of antiquity have been blotted out from under heaven, this alone has been preserved in existence.

True it is that the Chinese have not fully maintained the principles of peace through this long period of their national existence, but have occasionally taken up arms for self-defence. Hence they have not been wholly divested of the spirit of war, which has occasionally been excited between them and other nations, and produced invasions and revolutions among themselves. But as their leading policy has been much more pacific than that of other nations; so they have been comparatively more blessed and prospered, and been less afflicted by wars and hostile commotions than other nations. Doubtless the very limited intercourse they have ever maintained with other nations, and especially with the warring nations of Europe, has been very favorable to their pacific policy.

* Fear argues a degenerate mind.

It is said that the Chinese cautiously avoid political alliances, and even commercial treaties with foreign nations, lest they should thereby become entangled and corrupted with their customs and manners, which might eventually involve their nation in the calamities of war. Their com

mercial policy merely admits trading nations to enter their ports and trade, so long as they will be subject to their commercial regulations. They have sometimes brought powerful nations to their terms, and dissolved the powerful armaments of haughty warring nations, without any hostilities. A nation that is able to accomplish deeds like these, by pacific means, is able to teach the advocates of war a lesson of wisdom which they never can learn in the science of war; and by which they may obtain a more noble victory than was ever obtained by Alexander the great or Napoleon Bonaparte.

Had the Chinese supported the same hostile principles, which were maintained by those ancient nations who were their cotemporaries, there can be no doubt that, long ere this time, they would have ceased to exist as a nation. Perhaps no country on earth could be more inviting, or promise a richer harvest to the conquerer. To what then can we attribute their long existence, and their protection from invasion and conquest, but to their pacific policy? And it appears that their prosperity, peace and happiness, have been proportionate to their pacific principles; and on the other hand, that their national affliction and adversity have nearly corresponded, in extent and degree, with their indulgence of the principles of war.

They were indeed once conquered by the Tartars; but it appears that this unfortunate event happened in consequence (and a very natural consequence it was) of their suffering the spirit of war to spring up in the nation, which produced a rebellion in their own bowels. But after returning to their pacific habits again, they obtained a more important and a more honorable conquest over the Tartars, by inducing them to embrace the Chinese customs and manners, and to blend Tartary with the Chinese empire. But had they invariably maintained their pacific principles, and made no provision for war, they would undoubtedly have enjoyed a far greater degree of happiness and prosperity.

As a further illustration of the good effects of pacific principles upon the people of any society, state or government, and more especially when displayed by the rulers of a nation, we shall introduce the examples of two ancient rulers of

Rome, the one a king, and the other an emperor, who, at different periods, governed that nation according to these principles. The first of these was

NUMA POMPILIUS.

Romulus, who gave name to the city of Rome, and was called its founder, was, at the commencement of his career, the chief of a band of robbers. He was bold, courageous and successful in his depredations on the property of others; and thereby accumulated considerable riches, increased his reputation as a successful leader, and laid the foundation of the Roman empire. At his death he left it greatly embroiled with the neighboring nations.

Numa Pompilius was called by the people, to take the government of the state, as their king. He at first declined the offer, "alleging that his love of peace and retirement disqualified him for reigning over a people who delighted in war." The people, however, persisted in their solicitations; and Numa was finally induced to acquiesce, and take upon him the regal government.

"Numa's natural disposition for moderation, probity and justice, had been strengthened by a proper education. Early inured to industry and labor, and extremely averse to ambition and violence, he infused the same sentiments into the minds of his subjects. By his wisdom, he first allayed the internal dissensions that had previously existed among the Romans; and then formed such regulations as might preserve peace, and cause justice to flourish. He very judiciously began by dismissing the three hundred celeres, formed by Romulus, as a guard to attend the king; not wishing to reign over a people he distrusted, and thinking it improper to distrust a people who had compelled him to reign over them."

"He acknowledged a first principle of all things, who is invisible, incorruptible, and purely intelligent; and for this reason forbade the Romans to represent God in the form of man or beast. He dedicated himself (says Livy) entirely to the service of the citizens and strangers, to whom he was counsellor, arbiter and judge. All formed their manners by those of the king, whom they took for their sole pattern. Hence the nations about him, who had before considered Rome more like a camp than a city, conceived such a reverence for them, that they would have thought it a sort of impiety, to attack a people wholly intent on serving God and

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