complaining that, after she had done Lord Methven, as he had then been created, the honour to take him as her husband, he had spent her lands and profits upon his own kin and friends, in such sort that he had made them up, and put her Majesty into great debts, to the amount of 8000 markes, Scotch money; and she could not learn how, or in what manner, for he would never let her understand how her lands were managed, but said he would answer for the same.

Although Henry the Eighth, with his usual anxiety not to lose an opportunity of embroiling the affairs of Scotland, took up the wrongs of his sister as a fit subject for dispute between the two kingdoms, the violent woman obtained no redress. Unattended to by the temporal authorities, she again flew for aid to the Church, and in the course of a few months writes thus:

"I am heavily done to in this realm, for I have obtained my cause of divorce betwixt me and the Lord of Methvin, and it is so far past that the judge has concluded and written my sentence, ready to be pronounced these twelve weeks by past, and the King, my son, has stopped the same and will not let it be given, the which is contrary to justice and reason. And he promised me, when I gave him my manse of Dunbar, for a certain money, that I should have the same sentence pronounced. I am daily holden in great trouble for lack of my sentence. Therefore I pray you, my Lord and Cousin, that ye will make some errand to the King, my son, not letting know that I did advertise you, but that every body speaks of it that I should lack justice, that is mother to him, which is to his dishonour greatly.” (V. 103.)

.....

Her cunning was unavailing. James the Fifth, thinking, probably, that his mother was treading rather too closely in her brother's footsteps, was inexorable in withholding his consent to the divorce, and Henry the Eighth, who had used her in early life as a political instrument, made her sensible that she was forgotten when age and loss of power to do mischief had rendered her friendship no longer useful to him. (V. 136.) After suffering much trouble, death came upon her suddenly on the 24 November, 1541; and, at p. 194 of Volume V. is an interesting narrative of the mode of her departure.

She was seized on a Friday with "a palsy," but not considering her disorder mortal she abstained from making any will. After some days, becoming alarmed at the progress of the disease, she sent for the King, her son, who was at Falkland, but he moved less rapidly than the great conqueror, "and when that she dyd parchauf that deth dyed aproche, she dyd deseir the Frers, that whas her Confessors, that they shold seet on thar knees befor the Kyng, and to beseche him that he wold be good and grachous unto the Erell of Anguyshe, and did extremly lament, and aske God marcy that she had afendet unto the sayd Erell as she hade." She also desired her Confessors to solicit James to let Lady Margaret Douglas, her daughter by Angus, have her goods, "for as moche as she never had no theng of her befor." James proved his attention to the first of these requests by maintaining his unmitigable hatred to the Douglases to his death; and as to the goods and Lady Margaret we learn that," the same day that the sayd Quyn departed, and after hir decesse, the Kyng dyd come hymself unto Mephin [Methvin] aforsayd and fyndeng the said Quen his mother departed, did comand one Olyver Synkler and one Jhon Tenant, twoo of hes Privey Chamar, to tack and loack oup all her goodes for hes use." (V. 194.)

There are many interesting passages in these volumes relating to the character and education of James the Fifth. The son of such a mother, brought up in a Court over which she presided, and the victim of intrigues the most heartless and debasing, but little could be expected of him. Naturally shrewd, quick-witted, and courageous,

does not mean that he is ready to serve any King except James the Fifth, but that he is ready to do Henry the Eighth any service consistently with his allegiance to James the Fifth,-a very different matter.

his education was neglected, his passions were fostered, his waywardness of disposition remained unchecked, and during his short life indications were given of qualities, the existence of which greatly reduced the regret inspired by his melancholy end. Miserable indeed was the state of Scotland during the minority of Mary; but it may well be feared that its misery would not have been less under the guardianship of the severe and moody bigot which James would probably have become had his life been spared. His death unquestionably aided the progress of the Reformation.

Notices are also to be gleaned respecting the state of Scotland at that time: the popular feeling of deeply rooted animosity towards England as the cause of all their troubles, the sturdy love of independence which has distinguished the common people of that country in all ages,-the venality of the nobles, and the rude and lawless state to which long periods of anarchy had reduced all classes, are very apparent throughout. The following is a singular narrative, fully proving the ignorance of the people, and how easily they might be excited against anything English.

"Sethenne my last writing unto your said grace [Wolsey], here hath bene right ragious wyndes with exceding rayn, wete weder and grete waters, to the daungerous getting and ynnyng of thair cornes in these parties. Whereupon there is an open sclaunder and mirmour raised upon me [Dr. Magnus, the English Ambassador] not oonly in this the toune of Edinburgh, but thorowe a grete parte of the realme, surmitting that I shulde be the occasion therof; and that, as I have doon in Fraunce, Flaunders, and other contreys, (where I never was, nor withoute the realme of Elnglande but here in Scotlande,) I woll not departe from hennes, till I shall procure all this realme to a distruccion booth in thair cornes, frutes, and otherwise, as is saide chaunced, by my meanes, oone yere of the vynes in Fraunce. Insomyche that I, nor my servauntes, couthe nor mought passe of late in the stretes, naither to nor from the courte, but openly many women banned, cursed, waried, and gave me and myne the mooste grevous maledictions that couth be, to our faces. Wherupon there ar nigh aboute halve a scoore persons, all wemen, taken and putte in prison, and as yet doe remayn there for condingne punytion, and to be example to other like offenders. And also the Freeres Observauntes have preched soore ayeinste thaym that furste procured and contynueth this false untrue and detestable saying and oppynnyon. This ungracious demeanour hathe bene putte in execution here, for the mooste parte, all by women. The begynners therof canne not be knowne, but it is suppoosed to be by Frenshe men, or by some other favouring thair causes, not being content with this peas and the maner therof to be concluded; nor that Einglisshe men doe come at all tymes, at thair pleasures, and whenne thay luste, to the yong kingges presence, and seing the Frenshe men not enterteynned as thay have bene of late. To long it is to fatigate and wery your Grace with the ungracious sondery oppynnyons that have bene had here of late ayeinste me; wherof there is noe grete marveill, for here is noe drede of justice, nor correction to be doone aither by oone parson or by other; whiche appereth by sondery haynous murdours lately committed openly withynne this the toune of Edinburgh." (IV. 406).

If we may judge from the following passage,-which occurs, let it be remembered, in a despatch from an ambassador at a foreign court,-it seems probable that Master Magnus gave the people some reason to look upon him as a conjuror.

"Pleas it your Grace to wete that Mr. Wiat, of his goodness, sent unto me for a token certaine cramp ringges, which I distributed and gave to sondery myne acquaintances at Edinburgh; amongges other, to Mr. Adam Otterbourne, whoe with oone of thaym releved a man lying in the falling sekenes, in the sight of myche people. Sethenne whiche tyme many requestes have bene made unto me for crampe ringges, specially at my departing there, and also sethenne my commyng frome thennes. May it pleas your Grace therfore to shewe your gracious pleasure to the said Mr. Wiat, that some ringges may be kept and reserved, to be sent into Scotland; whiche, after my poore oppynnyon, shoulde be a good dede, remembring the vertue and operation of thaym is knowne and proved in Edinburgh, and that thay be gretely required for the same cause, booth by grete personnages and other. And thus Almighty God have youe, my good and gracious lorde, in his mooste blessed preservation and governance. At Barwik, the 20ti daye of Marche." (IV. 449).

Henry VIII. seems to have considered that the death of James V. placed ScotGENT. MAG. VOL. XI.

E

land at his feet. Anxious for the prospect of the whole island devolving to one monarch, he immediately proposed a marriage between the infant Prince of Wales and the new-born babe to whom the sceptre of Scotland had descended; and if the tyrannical impetuosity of the English monarch had not led him at the same time to advance the long-exploded claim to the feudal superiority of England over Scotland, it is not unlikely that the treaty might have been concluded, although the death of Edward VI. would ultimately have prevented the completion of the marriage. The chief opposition to the scheme was raised by the clergy, who foresaw the downfall of the Romish supremacy in any close alliance with England. Cardinal Beaton, a supple and wily man, a loose liver, and a persecutor, led the opposition, and, by a variety of subtle means, succeeded in thwarting Henry's favourite scheme. Invasion followed, the capital was sacked, and the unresisting people treated with cruelty almost unexampled. Still the cardinal not merely procured the rejection of the terms which Henry dictated, but by persecution-the usual policy of the Church of Rome,-checked the open exhibition of any favour to the doctrines of the Reformation. Beaton was indeed to all appearance the one great obstacle to the English alliance, and Henry was proportionably enraged against him. In some instructions said to have been given to the commander of the invading army, but which are rendered suspicious by their extraordinary barbarity,* after directions to burn Edinburgh, overthrow the castle, sack Holyrood House and the surrounding villages, and to burn and subvert Leith and all the rest," putting man, woman, and child to fire and sword, without exception, when any resistance shall be made," he was then instructed to pass over to Fife, and extend the like destruction to all villages and towns there, "not forgetting, amongst all the rest, so to spoil and turn upside down the cardinal's town of St. Andrew's as the upper stone may be the nether, and not one stick stand by another, sparing no creature alive within the same, specially such as, either in friendship or blood, be allied to the cardinal."

The cardinal escaped the infliction meditated in this savage document, but it was merely to fall, after the lapse of twelve months, under the sword of the assassin. The mode of his murder is well known, but it is not so well known that his murderers communicated before-hand with the English Government, and that their scheme was listened to and, indirectly, if not openly, encouraged by Henry VIII. and his advisers. This fact was first made out satisfactorily by Mr. Tytler, upon the authority of various documents in the State-Paper Office, which are printed in the last of the two volumes before us. We have compared those documents with Mr. Tytler's work, (Hist. of Scotland, vol. V.) and are pleased to be able to bear testimony to the accurate manner in which that gentleman has stated their contents. The fact is one of great importance to the personal character of Henry VIII. and we shall relate, therefore, in as few words as we can, how it stands upon the information now before us.

It is apparent from documents in the Sadler State-Papers (I. 101, 106, 221, 249, 278, 312,) that during the year 1543 proposals were made by the English to the Scottish government for the apprehension of Beaton, in order that he might be carried into England, and kept there in such manner as no longer to "trouble the realm of Scotland," or, in other words, no longer to oppose the crafty designs of Henry. This scheme having failed, an unscrupulous political agent named Crichton, but better known as the Laird of Brunston, proposed to the Council of the North, early in 1544, that certain persons would attempt either to apprehend or slay the Cardinal, provided Henry VIII. would grant them protection after the scheme had been executed, with wages in the mean time for 15 or 16 men for a month or two. The proposal was considered by the English government, and the messenger who made it was admitted to an interview with the king, but the result does not appear. Twelve months afterwards, that is, in April 1545, the Earl of Cassilis, whom Mr. Tytler

proves to have been connected with Brunston, wrote a letter to Sir Ralph Sadler, in which he directly offered to kill the Cardinal, if Henry would have it done, and would promise to reward him when it was done. Sadler shewed the letter to the Council of the North, who communicated the proposal to the king. The Privy Council replied, that His Majesty desired them to signify that "his Highnes, reputing the fact not mete to be set forward expressely by His Majestie, will not seme to have to do in it, and yet, not mislykyng the offre, thinkyth good that Mr. Sadleyr, to whom that lettre was addressed, should write to th' Erle of the receipt of his lettre conteigning such an offre, which he thinketh not convenient to be communicated to the Kinges Majestie. Mary, to write to hym what he thynketh of the matter, he shall say, that if he wer in th' Erle of Cassilis's place, and wer as able to do His Majestye good service there, as he knowyth hym to be, and thynkyth a right good will on hym to do it, he would surely do what he could for th'execution of it, beleving veryly to do therby not only acceptable service to the Kinges Majestie, but also a speciale benifite to the realme of Scotland, and woold trust veryly the Kinges Majestie woold considre his service in the same; as you doubt not, of his accustomed goodnes to them which serve him, but he woold do the same to hym." (V. 450.) This despatch, it should be known, is signed by Wriothesley, the Chancellor, the Duke of Suffolk, the Bishop of Winchester, and four others of the King's Councillors.

The object of the conspirators was evidently to procure a direct sanction and a promise of a definite reward, but Henry could not be driven into any measure of more open encouragement, and the matter therefore was apparently dropped for that time. In the month of June Sir George Douglas, another of the same clique, proposed the same scheme to a messenger sent by the English cabinet to confer with them upon other subjects (V. 467.); and, in the following month, Brunston again reiterates his offer to Sadler, who replied much in the same way as he had been directed to do to the Earl of Cassilis. (V. 470.) Still the want of a definite promise of reward kept the conspirators back; but the English government, having once taken up the notion, intimated to Lord Hertford that he might suggest it to the deserters from the French troops in the pay of Scotland, as one of those things which if done would ensure their being taken into the English service. (V. 512). In the month of October conferences of a very secret character were held between Sadler and Brunston, and from the tenor of the letters which allude to them there can be little doubt that they related to the contemplated murder, and that Sadler's assurances, whatever they were, were of such a character as to induce the conspirators to execute their scheme on the first opportunity, which occurred, or rather was made, on the 29th May 1546, whilst the excited people were yet mourning over the martyrdom of Wishart. The murderers were the very persons on whose behalf Brunston had made the first proposal. The memory of Henry VIII. stood in no need of this additional stain, but the fact is unquestionable, and much credit is due to Mr. Tytler for the able manner in which he has unravelled the infamous intrigue.

This is, perhaps, the most important novelty to be found in the documents before us; but they are replete with information upon other points, and are a gift to the public of unquestionable value. We trust the series will be completed—but let it be from the State-Paper Office alone.

* The instructions referred to are said to be extant amongst the manuscripts of the Duke of Hamilton. Our knowledge of them is derived from Tytler's History of Scotland, V. 473. They are said to bear date" on the 10th April 1543-4," which must be incorrect: that is another circumstance of suspicion; but, on the other hand, there is a recital of them at vol. V. p. 371 of the present work, that goes a great way towards proving them to be genuine.

land at his feet. Anxious for the prospect of the whole island devolving to one monarch, he immediately proposed a marriage between the infant Prince of Wales and the new-born babe to whom the sceptre of Scotland had descended; and if the tyrannical impetuosity of the English monarch had not led him at the same time to advance the long-exploded claim to the feudal superiority of England over Scotland, it is not unlikely that the treaty might have been concluded, although the death of Edward VI. would ultimately have prevented the completion of the marriage. The chief opposition to the scheme was raised by the clergy, who foresaw the downfall of the Romish supremacy in any close alliance with England. Cardinal Beaton, a supple and wily man, a loose liver, and a persecutor, led the opposition, and, by a variety of subtle means, succeeded in thwarting Henry's favourite scheme. Invasion followed, the capital was sacked, and the unresisting people treated with cruelty almost unexampled. Still the cardinal not merely procured the rejection of the terms which Henry dictated, but by persecution—the usual policy of the Church of Rome,―checked the open exhibition of any favour to the doctrines of the Reformation. Beaton was indeed to all appearance the one great obstacle to the English alliance, and Henry was proportionably enraged against him. In some instructions said to have been given to the commander of the invading army, but which are rendered suspicious by their extraordinary barbarity,* after directions to burn Edinburgh, overthrow the castle, sack Holyrood House and the surrounding villages, and to burn and subvert Leith and all the rest, "putting man, woman, and child to fire and sword, without exception, when any resistance shall be made," he was then instructed to pass over to Fife, and extend the like destruction to all villages and towns there, “not forgetting, amongst all the rest, so to spoil and turn upside down the cardinal's town of St. Andrew's as the upper stone may be the nether, and not one stick stand by another, sparing no creature alive within the same, specially such as, either in friendship or blood, be allied to the cardinal."

The cardinal escaped the infliction meditated in this savage document, but it was merely to fall, after the lapse of twelve months, under the sword of the assassin. The mode of his murder is well known, but it is not so well known that his murderers communicated before-hand with the English Government, and that their scheme was listened to and, indirectly, if not openly, encouraged by Henry VIII. and his advisers. This fact was first made out satisfactorily by Mr. Tytler, upon the authority of various documents in the State-Paper Office, which are printed in the last of the two volumes before us. We have compared those documents with Mr. Tytler's work, (Hist. of Scotland, vol. V.) and are pleased to be able to bear testimony to the accurate manner in which that gentleman has stated their contents. The fact is one of great importance to the personal character of Henry VIII. and we shall relate, therefore, in as few words as we can, how it stands upon the information now before us.

It is apparent from documents in the Sadler State-Papers (I. 101, 106, 221, 249, 278, 312,) that during the year 1543 proposals were made by the English to the Scottish government for the apprehension of Beaton, in order that he might be carried into England, and kept there in such manner as no longer to "trouble the realm of Scotland," or, in other words, no longer to oppose the crafty designs of Henry. This scheme having failed, an unscrupulous political agent named Crichton, but better known as the Laird of Brunston, proposed to the Council of the North, early in 1544, that certain persons would attempt either to apprehend or slay the Cardinal, provided Henry VIII. would grant them protection after the scheme had been executed, with wages in the mean time for 15 or 16 men for a month or two. The proposal was considered by the English government, and the messenger who made it was admitted to an interview with the king, but the result does not appear. Twelve months afterwards, that is, in April 1545, the Earl of Cassilis, whom Mr. Tytler