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ing a different language from all other nations; and what is the inference? assuredly, that they are the direct descendants of the aborigines; and, by consequence, genuine Celts.

Again, the ancestors of the present Welsh were, according to their own sage Triads, in possession of the fertile plains of England about the middle of the fifth century, when they were driven to their present fastness by the Saxons. From the time of Cæsar till very near the period of the Saxon invasion, they were under the government of the Romans, and never lost sight of. There cannot be a question, then, that they are the direct descendants of the Belgic tribes alluded to by Cæsar; and, consequently, have no title to the appellation of Celts, if that be of any great importance. These historical inferences I consider as a much more weighty answer to CYMRO than what "he believes to be the only one that can be given."

CYMRO is pleased to anticipate a plausible, though not a very profound reply, that he may have the pleasure of refuting it; viz. "Gael resembles Gallus; and as the Gauls were a Celtic race, therefore the Gaelic is Celtic." Now if CYMRO expected this logic from me, I beg leave to disclaim the compliment thereby intended to my learning. I should never have said, for instance, that "the Gauls were a Celtic race:" it being quite subversive of historical facts, about which I am a little particular. The Celts were, by the Romans, called Gauls, but the Gauls were not all Celts. There were your Belgians on the north-east, and the Acquitanians on the south-west, and another race among the Alps and about the banks of the Rhone. All these the Romans included under the name of Gauls, but I am not yet aware of their Celtic paternity.

But to meet CYMRO on his own ground, the relationship between Gael, Gallus, and KeλTIKη, is not altogether so absurd as some things of the sort which I have seen. I am not much given to etymological researches, the art having been "most vilely abused" by several writers whom I formerly pointed out. Yet I cannot here avoid attempting a brief essay in that line. The people to whom I applied the term

Celtic, call themselves Gael, and their country Gaeltachd, or, as it is pronounced, Gaeltache to this day. Now it seems to me highly probable that the word Gaeltache furnished the Greeks with the word KeλTIKŋ, which they uniformly applied to the country of the Celts. Nay, further, all France continued to retain the name of Keλrukn even unto the time of Strabo, who repeatedly applies it to the whole country; merely because it was the land of the Celts when the Greeks first knew of it. In the same manner the Romans called the whole country Gaul long after it ceased to be exclusively occupied by the Celts or Gael proper. I mention these circumstances merely as a proof that the Celts were the primitive inhabitants, or at least those first heard of by the Greeks and Romans,-but to resume. The word Gael would naturally furnish the Romans with Gallus, assimilating the name to a familiar word of their own; a common occurrence in all languages, of which we have an illustration in the name of a quondam Nawab or Viceroy of Bengal, Sarrajud-doula, of the black-hole celebrity, an appellation which the chroniclers of the day (the more shame to them) transformed into the Christian-like title of Sir Roger Dowler. Finally the Greeks converted the patronymic Gael into Galatoi, a word already familiar to them in Asia Minor.

It remains now for me to remove CYMRO's objection to the th or dh which appears in the spelling of the word Gathel, &c. &c. in all its variations. In the Gaelic language the letters th, dh, bh, and mh, &c. are frequently used merely as a separation between two vowels, like our hyphen, without any sound of their own; and we have no means of ascertaining whether they ever were sounded otherwise or not. At present they serve to divide a word into two syllables, which a hyphen or two dots on the last vowel would have done just as well. Thus in the word suan, sleep, the ua is a diphthong; while in the word suthan, a kind of sour juice, the u and a form distinct syllables, and might have been written thus, su-an, or suän. In short, the Roman alphabet seems to have been very clumsily applied to the Gaelic, to express whose sounds it is at best but

ill adapted. It is probable, however, that the th, dh, &c. in a vast number of Gaelic words were never intended for any thing else than a separation of the vowels; their power and office being very similar to that of the symbol called hamza in the Arabic alphabet; and this is further confirmed by the fact, that in many words they are interchangeable, as in the word Gathel or Gadhel for example.

CYMRO says, however, that the Welsh still sound the th in their version of the word Gwyddel. Well, if they were uniform in the practice of sounding all the letters of such Gaelic words as they possess, I should admit this as a sort of argument. But we find the word dubh, black, of the Gaelic, written du in Welsh; and the compound word dubh-ghlas of the Celtic is in the Cimbric dulas, meaning darkgrey, the well-known origin of the illustrious name of Douglas; which, by the way, proves that the bh in this case has not been sounded in Gaelic for something less than a thousand years.

CYMRO has observed "that the word Gael, in its present form, is not only modern, but absolutely of the most recent construction." I am afraid I must plead my dissent with that gentleman's opinion, as to what is most recent. In the first place, Buchanan in his History (lib. ii. cap. 28), uses the word Gael exactly as it is done at this day. This is of the more authority as Buchanan was himself a Gael, in proof of which Holinshed styles him an Irish Scot." In the first book of Buchanan's History, c. 23, we have the expression," Argathelia seu potius Ergahelia," for Argyle (Iar-ghathel, which signifies western Gael, or Irish Gael, in opposition to those of Scotland). Now let Cymro find out the oldest mention made of Argyle, and he may rest assured that the th or dh in Gathel was not sounded then. In the works of Gavin Douglas, who lived a generation before Buchanan, we find

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"Fin mac Coul," instead of Fin mac Comhul. Let these instances suffice. In the mean time, if I had leisure to pore over old records, I could prove to CYMRO's satisfaction, that the word Gael was sounded as at present at least one thousand years ago; and if that gentleman calls this most recent, I can only say that he must be possessed of pretty liberal notions of what constitutes antiquity. At this rate Cæsar's visit to our island must be classed among the very recent events; and the famous mill between the Greeks and Trojans, quite a modern affair.

Finally, even if the th or dh in Gathel were sounded to this day, it would avail nothing on CYMRO's side of the argument; because I could overrule the objection, by a well-authenticated case in point. On the banks of the Ganges, there anciently stood a city, by name Pataliputra, as the Sanscrit hath it. This city the Greeks, with their usual freedom in such matters, converted into Palibothra. Now, if this fastidious people deemed it necessary to take such liberties with the harmonious Sanscrit, I opine that they would pay no greater respect to the less cultivated Celtic. As to the word Gathelus, which CYMRO brings forward as a "Latin authority," I have only to say that it exists not in the Latin at all. Gathelus ought to be Greek, if anything; but, in sober sadness, it is too ridiculous to be quoted, being the clumsy invention of some patriotic monk, whose lucubrations were intended to rival Virgil's stories of the Pious Æneas and his trusty crew. But I must now quit this subject, and I appeal to the unprejudiced portion of your readers, whether I have not reasons for saying; 1st. That the Irish and Highlanders are the only people in the British Isles, I may say the only people on earth, to whom the appellation Celtic is applicable. 2nd. That the Welsh are the descendants of the South Britons of Cæsar's time,

* By the way, I am not justified in assuming that all the words common to the Gaelic and Welch are Gaelic; and I am glad to avail myself of this opportunity to say that I am quite ready to give up one half of this neutral ground to the Welsh, which I consider to be a fair and honourable division. Nor will I greatly trouble myself if they insist upon having the whole, as it does not in the least affect my arguments respecting the dissimilarity of the languages, &c.

and not of those to whom he alludes in the interior, as "having been generated in the island itself:" hence the Welsh are the offspring of the Belgae who came to the north of Gaul, and thence to Britain, long after the Celts, which last fact is admitted by Lhuyd, and is most fully confirmed by the difference of their language from that of the Celts.

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In reply to your correspondent R. G., I beg to say that it would afford me great pleasure to discuss that interesting part of the subject to which he alludes, did I feel myself at all competent for the task. Respecting the non-Celtic portion of the Welsh language, he asks, "Is it most nearly allied in structure to the Latin or Teutonic, or Slavonic, or Reinish? is it an anomalous tongue, altogether sui generis?" For my own part, I candidly confess that my knowledge of the languages to which he alludes is so very limited, as to render my opinion utterly useless. I see no reason, however, why the Welsh should not be a language sui generis, though not anomalous. I might ask R. G. the same question, with regard to the Gaelic, the Basque, and some others still extant in retired corners of Europe. May they not all be remnants of distinct languages, descended from those spoken by different tribes in very remote ages? I am strongly inclined to think so, and I will endeavour to state my reasons.

It seems to me, then, that in barbarous times and regions there is a tendency not only to a great variety of languages, but a total dissimilarity between each. Witness the numerous languages mentioned by Mungo Park in the first few chapters of his Travels, and the apparently utter dissimilarity between them. We find the same rule to hold in America, and, in fact, among all savages that we read of. It is highly probable, then, that the languages of Europe were from two to three thousand years ago much more numerous and less analogous to each other than at the present day. Where is the wonder, then, that the few fragments that have reached us more or less mixed, should so differ among themselves? I conceive that the Basque,

the Welsh, the Gaelic, the Finnish, and a few others, are genuine remains of the less cultivated (not to say barbarous) languages of ancient Europe, as the Greek and Latin are among the civilised. The latter have survived from their own intrinsic value, and the former from the isolated and inaccessible nature of the regions where they have so long flourished, or where they made their last stand against persecution.

I am afraid that this is all that I can say to R. G. on this subject, and I can only regret that my reply should be so unsatisfactory. The only copious sources of information to which I can refer him are Adelung's Mithridates and Balbi's works, though I must confess neither of them is to be implicitly relied on. For example, Adelung gives us an Irish version of the Lord's Prayer as the idiom of a tribe inhabiting the county of Essex; an interesting fact, no doubt, as he says, only it wants confirmation. (Mithridates, vol. ii. page 203.) However, the two works are useful to the philologist, and errors are inevitable in such vast performances. FIOR GHAEL.

MR. URBAN, Dublin, Feb. 17. I AM surprised your correspondent FIOR GHAEL should still adhere to the notion that Ireland was peopled from Britain, and both from Gaul, in the teeth of all evidence, even of Scottish writers; and that it was the remnant of the Scotish Picts of the sixth or seventh century who conquered Wales; and particularly that he should imagine that I ever propounded such an opinion. My position is, that the Picts conquered the West of South Britain (i. e. Wales) at the fall of the Roman Empire early in the fifth century, when the Scots and Picts invaded the Roman colony. The extirpation of the Picts who remained in the east of Scotland was an event long subsequent to that period. The peopling of Ireland and Britain from Gaul rests merely on its probability, which is an argument for the peopling of New South Wales by the Chinese, on account of their prox. imity being closer than England.

Yours, &c. W. BETHAM,

RETROSPECTIVE REVIEW.

Works of the Trouvère Rutebuef.*

THE two volumes of the works of this bard of the thirteenth century, which M. Jubinal has so recently given to the world, form the most valuable publication of the kind which we have seen these many days, and their perusal has amused and interested us much. Although dedicated to the poems of one trouvère, they are full of variety, for no one of his age has written so much about himself and about almost every person and every thing he knew, as mestre Rutebuef. A bitter enemy to all the monastic orders, he attacks and criticises them in every shape, and he is supposed to have suffered for his zeal. A warm partizan of the University of Paris in the dissensions which distracted its members during the century in which he flourished, he has left us many songs and satires on the subject, which give us much popular information on the manners and studies of the scholars of that day, as well as many private traits of the distinguished men engaged in these quarrels. The prevailing subject of his enthusiasm is the Crusades, and his exhortations to take the cross and hasten to the rescue of Jerusalem throw a new light on the general feeling of the reign of St. Louis on this subject. Few of Rutebuef's poems are more interesting than those which relate to his own griefs; we there see a picture of the domestic life of a former age, and of the condition and character of the votaries of the Muse, such as no other documents afford.

Rutebuef appears to have been a native of Paris. M. Jubinal conjectures that he was born about 1235, or between that year and 1240, and that the date of his death must be placed about the year 1286. He was by profession a minstrel; and he informs us that he was in the habit of attending marriages and tournaments, and, no doubt, other festivals; and that he was given to dice, to which, in some measure at least, he owed the poverty and misery of which he so often complains. The poem with which the first volume opens is entitled "Of Rutebuef's Poverty" (c'est de la Povretei Rutebuef), and is addressed to Saint Louis, then abroad on his second crusade: the poet complains that his favourite crusades had brought two evils upon himself, in carrying away all the "gentil chevaliers" who used to make the minstrel joyful by their gifts, and at the same time causing a dearness of provisions and all other things, at the time when he was least able to buy. The account he gives of his own misery in this piece is certainly touching, and we cannot but think it is a little exaggerated.

"Je touz de froit, de fain baaile,
Dont je sui mors et maubailliz.
Je suis sanz coutes et sans liz;
N'a si povre juqu'à Senliz.
Sire, si ne sai quel part aille;
Mes costeiz connoit le pailliz,
Et liz de paille n'est pas liz,
Et en mon lit n'a fors la paille.

'Sire, je vos fais a savoir
Je n'ai de quoi do pain avoir :
A Paris sui entre touz biens,
Et n'i a nul qui i soit miens."

"I cough with cold, and yawn with hunger
With which I am nigh dead and in ill case.
I am without frock, and without bed;
There is none so poor between here and
Senlis.

Sire, I know not where to turn me ;
My side is acquainted with the hard mat-
And a bed of straw is not smooth, [tras,
Though in my bed there is nothing else.

Sire, I beg to inform you

I have not wherewith to buy bread:
At Paris I am among all good things,
And there is not one that I possess."

* Oeuvres complètes de Rutebuef, trouvère du xiiie siècle, recueillies et mises au jour pour la première fois, par Achille Jubinal. 2 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1839. London, Pickering.

Rapport à M. le Ministre de l'Instruction Publique, suivi de quelques Pièces, inédites tirées des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de Berne, par Achille Jubinal. Paris, 1838. 8vo. London, Pickering.

He ends with a joke upon his own "Bien sai Pater, ne sai qu'est notre,

Que li chiers tenz m'a tot ostei,
Qu'il m'a si vuidié mon hostei
Que li Credo m'est dévéeiz,
Et je n'ai plus que vos véeiz."

misfortunes :

"I know Pater well, but I know not
what is noster,

For the dear season has deprived me of all,
And has so entirely emptied my house,
That the Credo is forbidden me,

And I have nothing more than you see."

Credo was the title of the Creed, and meant also in the Latin of that time I trust you, or give you credit; Rutebuef puns on the word, and means that he has nothing to pawn, and cannot live upon credit. To explain the first line, it is only necessary to say that the poet had a family, which was a burden to him in his misfortunes; and his next poem is a complaint on his marriage, which he tells us took place in the year 1260. This piece, also, is a continued lamentation over his poverty, though he again shows himself a confirmed punster. "Or me covient froter au lange; Je ne dout privé ne estrange

Que il riens m'emble;

N'ai pas busche de chesne ensamble :
Quant g'i sui si à fou et tramble.

N'est-ce assez ?

Mes pos est brisiez et quassez,
Et j'ai toz mes bons jors passez.
Je qu'en diroie?

Ni la destruction de Troie

Ne fu si grant comme est la moie !"

"I have not a shirt to my back;

I fear neither acquaintance nor stranger
Stealing anything from me;

I have not two logs of oak together:
And am thus mad and trembling.
(with cold and hunger).

Is this not enough?

My pot is broken and smashed,
And all my good days are passed.
What should I say of it?

Not even the destruction of Troy
Was so great as is mine."

In the original, the fourth and fifth lines of this extract admit of two interpretations, the translation just given is of course the one primarily intended, but they also in a double-entendre allow of being thus interpreted: "I have not two logs of oak together, because I am there with nothing but beech (fou, from fagus) and aspen wood (tremble.)" These extracts will give a tolerable idea of the position and character of the poet. Several other poems describe his wretchedness and misfortunes. He certainly had many friends and benefactors, by his own confession; and though his poetry is often playful, and sometimes very poor, yet it is also very frequently dignified, and his satire is bold and stinging.

Besides occasional allusions in various parts of his works, Rutebuef has left us five poems on the subject of the Crusades, urging warmly the policy of undertaking and entering into these wars, and supporting his remonstrances by reasons that seemed, we have no doubt, very conclusive at that time. One of these poems introduces two knights, a Crusader and one who had declined taking the cross, arguing the subject, and, although the poet gives the palm to the former, the arguments of the other, put in his mouth by one who was prejudiced on the other side, are in our opinion by much the most forcible. Some of them are singular enough :

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