words hereafter following, or the like, to the very same effect.

"My Lords, I cannot deny, that I have had talk and communication with the Duke of Somerset, and he with me, touching both your apprehensions; and to be plain, we determined to have apprehended you, but, by the passion of God!' quoth he, for no harm to your bodies.' And when they asked him how he would have apprehended them, he said, In the Council.' And when he was demanded how oft the Duke and he had met together about these matters, he said, ' But once.'

"And after they had showed him (which was known by the Duke's own confession) that the Duke and he met sundry times together for that purpose, as well at Sion, as at Somerset-place in London; with that he sighed, lifting up his hands from the board, and said, They knew all.'

"And being demanded whether he did at any time send any message to the Duchess of Somerset by Stanhop, the effect whereof was that she and the Duke should beware whom they trusted, for he had been of late at Barnard's Castle with the Earl of Pembroke, and did perceive by his talk that he had some intelligence of these matters; but, if they would keep their own counsel, he, for his part, would never confess any thing to die for it; he

seemed to be much troubled with this demand, and with great oaths began to swear that he never sent no such message to the Duchess by no living creature. And being answered, it might be that he sent the message to the Duke, he sware faintly By the passion of God, no! But being farther charged by the said Duke and Marquis with the matter, he, perceiving that they had some knowledge of it, finally confessed that he did warn the Duke of the premises by Stanhop, but not the Duchess.

"And afterwards, when Hampton, one of the clerks of the Council, was sent unto him to write all the whole matter, he would in a manner have gone from all again; and, in especial, from the last; saying, he did not will Stanhop to warn the Duke, but only told it to Stanhop. Whereupon the said Duke of Northumberland and the Marquis were eftsoons sent to him again, in the company of the Lord Privy Seal and the Earl of Pembroke; at which time he did, by circumstances, confess the whole premises, saving the sending of Stanhop to the Duke; but, nevertheless, he said that he declared it to Stanhop to the Duke, to the intent he should warn the Duke of it, but in no wise he would confess again that he sent him." (ii. p. 43.)

Mr. Tytler comments at considerable length upon the means by which the crafty and ambitious Northumberland strove to divert the succession into his own family, and upon that point, and also with reference to the brief sovereignty of Queen Jane, Mr. Tytler's work will be found to be exceedingly interesting. We must confess that we are often at variance with him in his deductions, and we should ill discharge our duty if, whilst admitting the importance of Mr. Tytler's documents, and expressing our conviction that his work is one which will take a permanent place amongst the materials for the History of England, we did not caution subsequent writers against the unhesitating adoption of his conclusions. Documents can only be properly appreciated in the mass, and inferences as to the real nature of transactions can no more be properly drawn from single papers than men's characters can be discovered from single facts. There is at present abroad, and very widely prevalent, a sort of morbid anxiety to come to conclusions upon historical facts at variance with long standing opinions; inquirers seem to fancy that our ancestors were altogether wrong in their estimates of the men, and the incidents, of their own times, and the times of their fathers; they are perpetually on the look out for "something new," and, when anything is discovered, which seems to be in the slightest degree at variance with a commonly received opinion, it is hailed with delight, its importance magnified, its authority over-estimated, and we are called upon to discard all that we have before known or believed upon the subject, and give place to this new light. Something of this kind is but too apparent throughout Mr. Tytler's book, and especially in many curious passages relating to Cecil, the future Lord Burghley. Mr. Tytler has found several papers which will deserve the most careful

attention of the future biographers of that great man; but much, indeed, will it be a subject of regret if they do not bring to their difficult and important task a more just spirit of criticism than Mr. Tytler's. We have been told from childhood that, during the reign of Mary, Cecil remained in seclusion, renouncing public appointments, which could only be obtained by the sacrifice of his conscience, and retaining in private life the Protestant principles upon which he had acted during the reign of Edward VI. and of which he was the avowed champion during that of Elizabeth. Farewell to this pleasing delusion! Upon the authority of a vicar's account of Easter Dues, in which appear the names of Cecil, his wife, and son, we are henceforth to believe that Cecil "became a Roman Catholic ... confessed... attended mass with his wife . . . and brought up his son in the profession of the Roman Catholic faith." (ii. 445.) Few things more obviously overstrained have ever come before us; and the new fact" is commented upon, and entered in the index as proving that Cecil "embraced the Catholic faith," and put forward in such manner as to make its presumed importance the most obvious. What weak compliances even the best of men submitted to in those troublous times, or what is the precise character of the evidence of this really unimportant paper, we will not stay to inquire; Mr. Tytler's book contains better evidence upon the point, although unhonoured by a single comment, undignified by any reference in the Index. Whilst Mary was upon her death-bed, the Count de Feria, "one of Philip's confidential councillors," whose letters are described by Mr. Tytler as "indisputable evidence" (ii. 497), visited Elizabeth and wrote the result to his royal master. His despatch concludes in words which we desire to see set against the account of the Wimbledon Vicar, but which Mr. Tytler passes without a syllable of observation-"I am told for certain that Cecil, who was secretary to King Edward, will be her secretary also. He has the character of a prudent and virtuous man, ALTHOUGH A HERETIC." (Tytler, ii. 499.)

Mr. Tytler gives a series of very important extracts from the despatches of Simon Renard, ambassador from the Emperor at the Court of Mary. They contain much information respecting Wyatt's rebellion, and the treatment of Elizabeth during her confinement in the Tower. It is very evident that Mary was advised to secure her own throne by the sacrifice of her sister, and that Elizabeth's opinion as to how narrowly she escaped the same death as Lady Jane Grey was but too well founded. The following extracts afford proof of the way in which Mary was importuned upon the subject. The writer, it will be borne in mind, was a decided enemy to the presumptive heiress, and his comments, therefore, upon her conduct are not to be much regarded. Writing on the 24th of February, 1554, just after Elizabeth, who was at that time in extremely bad health, had been brought to the court in custody, he says:

"The Lady Elizabeth arrived here yesterday, clad completely in white, surrounded by a great assemblage of the servants of the queen, besides her own people. She caused her litter to be uncovered, that she might show herself to the people. Her countenance was pale; her look proud, lofty, and superbly disdainful; an expression which she assumed to disguise the mortification she felt. Mary declined seeing her, and caused her to be accommodated in a quarter of her palace from

which neither she nor her servants could go out without passing through the guards. Of her suite, only two gentlemen, six ladies, and four servants are permitted to wait on her; the rest of her train being lodged in the city of London.

"The queen is advised to send her to the Tower, since she is accused by Wyatt, named in the letters of the French ambassador, suspected by her own councillors, and it is certain that the enterprise was undertaken in her favour. And assuredly,

sire, if, now that the occasion offers, they do not punish her and Courtenay, the queen will never be secure; for I have many misgivings that, if, when she sets out for the parliament, [which was to be

held at Oxford,] they leave Elizabeth in the Tower, some treasonable means will be found to deliver either Courtenay or her, or both, so that the last error will be worse than the first." (ii. 310-312.)

On the following 8th March he reports to the Emperor an interview with Mary, in which,

"As for Elizabeth, she [Mary] observed that her examination by the Chancellor, Arundel. Petre, and Paget would take place that day, and that they would be guided by her answers in what was best to be done; that they had already found by the confession of the son of the Lord Privy Seal, who was arrested in his father's house, that this young man had received letters from Wyatt during the time of his rebellion, which were addressed to Elizabeth, and had delivered these letters to her; and, in short, that her conduct had been such as they had always found it and judged of it. With regard to the other

Again, two months afterwards, he

"The inconstancy of the people here is incredible, and equally so their power of inspiring confidence when they wish to deceive you. It is the subject of religion debated in the last Parliament, which is the cause of these troubles; and the Queen is reduced to such a state of perplexity, that she knows not what advice to adopt, understanding well that all is done in favour of the Lady Elizabeth. They have

The following is a new proof of the subject of Mary's pregnancy.

"In the State Paper Office are preserved some curious proofs of the extent to which preparations had been made in the idea of Mary's approaching delivery. Numerous letters had been prepared, signed by the King and Queen, informing the various continental sovereigns of her safe delivery; the word fil being left unfinished, so that by the after addition of

prisoners, they will be condemned and executed before our departure from this place. She added, that she would never cease to demand the enforcement of the laws, which would be a terror to others who were disposed to malign her: it was her hope, she said, to set out soon for Windsor for the holidays, and then to proceed to Oxford to hold her parliament; but, before the parliament, she would take care to make strict order and provision for the safety of the Tower. Regarding the city, she had already communicated with the lord mayor." (ii. 321-2.)

writes thus :

removed Courtenay from the Tower, and taken him to a castle in the north. Your Majesty may well believe in what danger the Queen is, so long as both are alive: and when Paget, in whom she has so much confided, has so far forgot himself, and proceeded to such an extreme, that, to revenge himself of the Chancellor, he professes himself a heretic, and neglects the service of her Highness."-(ii. 400-1.)

infatuation which existed upon the

:

sor of le it would serve for a boy or a girl but one of these singular documents is still more decidedly worded. It is the letter prepared to be sent to Cardinal Pole, who was abroad, and informed him in express terms, "that God had been pleased, amongst his other benefits, to add the gladding of us with the happy delivery of a Prince."-(ii. 468.)

We presume that a small blank was left after the end of the word "Prince," so that " SS might be added if necessary; in that case, the letter to Pole would be scarcely more decidedly worded than the others.

As the termination of Mary's reign approached, all eyes were turned towards her successor, and that worshipping of the rising sun ensued, of which Elizabeth retained so vivid a recollection in her after-life. When importuned to nominate her own successor, "No! no!" said she, "I remember Hatfield." The following extract from the despatch of the Count de Feria, to which we have before alluded, gives an interesting glimpse of the state of things around Elizabeth, whilst Mary was upon her death bed.

"He informs us that on the 10th of November, he went thirteen miles from London, to where Elizabeth resided, in the house of a certain noblemen, whose name he omits. She received him well, although not so warmly as on some other occasions. He supped with the Princess, and with the wife of the High Admiral Lord Clinton, who was in company with her and after supper opened his discourse, according to the private instructions which he had received in Philip's own hand. The Princess had then three ladies with her; she told the Count they understood nothing but English; to which he answered, that he would be well pleased if the whole world heard what he had got to say.

"Elizabeth expressed herself much gratitude by the Count's visit, and the message which he brought from Philip. She acknowledged the high obligations which she owed to him when she was in prison; but seemed to receive rather more dubiously the discourse of the Count when he endeavoured to persuade her that the declaration of her right to the crown was the work, neither of Mary, nor the Council, but solely of his royal master. Having given these few particu

So.

lars of the meeting, De Feria adds the opinion he had formed of the character of Elizabeth. It appears to me,' says he, addressing the King, that she is a woman of extreme vanity but acute. I would say that she must have great admiration for the King her father's mode of carrying on matters. I fear much that in religion she will not go right, as I perceive her inclined to govern by men who are held to be heretics; and they tell me that the ladies who are most about her are all Besides this, she shows herself highly indignant at the things done against her in the lifetime of the Queen. She is much attached to the people, and is very confident that they are all on her side (which is indeed true); indeed she gave me to understand that the people had placed her where she now is. On this point she will acknowledge no obligations either to your Majesty, or to her nobles, although she says they have one and all of them sent her their promise to remain faithful. Indeed, there is not a heretic or a traitor in all the country who has not started as if from the grave to seek her with expressions of the greatest pleasure."-(ii. p. 497.)

And now one word as to the source from whence these valuable papers have been derived. How comes it, it may well be asked, that a gentleman from Scotland has been able to illustrate English History by digging up, amongst our own materials, documents which our own students have neglected?

Mr. Tytler shall answer the question himself.

"The following letters, with very few exceptions, have been selected from her Majesty's invaluable collections of manuscript original letters preserved in the State Paper Office. In this great depository of historical truth, it is perhaps known to some of his readers, that the author, with the permission of the Government, has been for many years engaged in the collection of materials for the History of Scotland: a work which has occupied more than fourteen years of his life, and which he hopes, at no distant period, to bring to its conclusion. These labours necessarily led to the perusal and

transcription of a large portion of the English and Foreign manuscript correspondence in that national collection, and it was impossible not to be struck with the new and valuable light which was thrown by its stores upon English and Continental history. So important, indeed, are these stores, and yet so little are they known or appreciated, that the author believes he does not overstate the fact when he asserts that no perfect History of England, either civil, ecclesiastical, or constitutional, can be written, till this collection is made accessible by catalogues to men of letters."—(i. p. v.)

We do not understand what Mr. Tytler means by being "made accessible by catalogues;" but why should not that part of the collection, the uses of which are solely historical, be made generally accessible? The nation has a place of deposit for collections of this description; the British Museum-why should it not be transferred thither? Many men, and literary men more especially, will not condescend to ask favours, and lay themselves under obligations in order to procure the sight and inspection of that which, as Mr. Tytler says, is a "national collection," and which ought, therefore, to be open to

the national use. Hence it has arisen, that whilst foreigners, Von Raumer for instance, and strangers, Mr. Tytler for example, have through the kindness of the Secretary of State been enabled-and we are very pleased to think they have been enabled-to take advantage of these stores, with a view to the illustration of the history of other countries, English historical writers are excluded from the use of them, except upon terms, and under circumstances, to which few gentlemen like to submit. How long is this state of things to last for ever? We hope not, and we believe not, and one ground for gratitude to Mr. Tytler for the present work is, that we think it may lead to inquiries which will bring about an alteration.

DIARY OF A LOVER OF LITERATURE.

(Continued from p. 19.)

1815. May 6.-Read, as I walked, Dyer's Grongar Hill. Very pleasing in imagery, and touching in natural moral reflections arising out of it; but deficient in topical interest of description, and, as Gilpin observed, in the keeping of the landscape. The "lie "in the second line is of very awkward construction: I doubt the existence of "spires," and the "Ethiop's arm" is unfortunate after Shakspere's "cheek." There are other blemishes arising from the adoption of trite objects and epithets, instead of having recourse to the rich structure of nature: but, on the whole, it is a very pleasing composition.

May 14.-Read some of Dryden's Poems. He appears to great advantage in Absalom and Achitophel. In the arguments he alleges in favour of popular and legal rights, the former, contrary to his intention, have for the most part force. He admits that all government is originally derived from the people; and his only argument in favour of our being bound by the act of our progenitors, against a resumption of this trust, though no parties to the engagement, is-that otherwise we could not be justly damned by Adam's transgression! "Nothing to build, and all things to destroy"-which he applies to the Puritans, is precisely what Johnson said of Priestley.

July 15-Pursued Hume's Inquiry. The abstract and recondite character of his speculative philosophy is admirably characterised by a perpetual recurrence to the maxims of practical good sense, of which he never loses sight for a moment-keeping the two provinces perfectly distinct. The spirit of his philosophy consists in endeavouring to account for all human knowledge from impressions alone, without admitting any instinctive inferences, and may be considered as consummating the modern school of speculation. He does not appear to have examined at all the nature of mathematical and necessary inferences; which would have fallen in exactly with the heart of his system.

Aug. 19.-Met Dr. Spurzheim at Mr. Reveley's; had some discussion on his system of craniology. He stated that he regarded the skull merely as indicating the conformation of the brain, on which he conceived mental pathology dependent. He confessed that Dr. Gall had erred in looking at man as he found him in society, and referring directly artificial states of mind to original modifications of that organ. Dr. S. considered that

there were national characteristics in the skull, and thought that he had discovered two or three distinct races in Wales, one very remarkable for the breadth of the head below the temples.