THE WAVE OF PESSIMISM IN THE SHAK- Many recent critics, like Gervinus, Prof. Dowden, and Mr. Furnivall, have noticed the tone of melancholy which passed over the spirit of Shakespeare about the year 1601, lasting till so late as 1608. On the other hand, Vernon Lee, in a study tention to the malign influence which she believes contained in 'Euphorion,' has drawn special atthat the contemplation of the horrors of Italian court life exercised over the nature of Webster, Tourneur, Marston, and Ford, among the later involves, moreover, the direct contradiction of the highest historic authority, which distinctly asserts the Germanic origin of the Belgæ-and the assump tion of unattested phenomena so wildly improbable as the supposed extermination of the Celtic inhabitants of south-eastern England in the fifth and sixth centuries. Over and over have I anxiously searched the pages of our historians for some indication or acknowledgment of the difficulty they encountered in adopting the theory they propound. But I have sought in vain. Of late years, indeed, so far from manifesting any symptoms of compunction or even regret, the prevailing school Elizabethan and Jacobean dramatists. It seems of English history seems to have found especial gratification in recording how a handful of fifth to me that these two facts should be brought into century Holsteiners so effectually obliterated the relation, that it may be shown that over our literaCelts throughout three-quarters of modern England ture at the beginning of the seventeenth century that in less than one hundred and fifty years passed a wave of pessimism, tinging for a moment hardly a trace of Celtic occupation was to be even the genius of Shakespeare, but permanently found. Voices, indeed, have cried in the wilder- affecting younger and less serene natures, such as ness against this maintenance in history of the cata-Webster and Ford, who were bred up under its clysmal theories long since discarded in geology. But influence-a wave of a similar nature to that though the voices have been heard, their message has which began to be felt after the year 1874 in our been almost unheeded, and it appears to be still own days, and of which the late James Thomson's possible for English historians to turn from writing City of Dreadful Night' and Mr. Mallock's 'Is a complacent review of Mr. Coote or Mr. Seebohm Life Worth Living?' were perhaps the bestto dwell with increased emphasis on the Celticism known productions and the clearest expression. of the Belgae and the completeness of their exter- Mr. Thomson's poem with the prologue to Marston's It is certainly interesting to compare the proem of mination in Britain. A hundred years ago, or thereabouts, the his-Antonio's Revenge.' James Thomson writes, he torian of Manchester denounced the annihilation theories then, as now, in favour, and if Dr. Whitaker's own attempts at the reconstruction of early English history have not achieved any signal success, some portions, at least, of his destructive criticism have not yet lost their point : "In the wildnesss and extravagance," he writes "with which the Saxon-British part of our history has hitherto been treated, the Britons are universally sup. posed to have been exterminated...... We have even seen the process of the reasoning boldly inverted by the great lexicographer of our language, and the asserted fewness of British words in it made a strong argument in favour of extermination......The absolute extirpation of the Britons and the complete plantation of England by the Saxon adventurers is such a strange and monstrous opinion, something so infinitely beyond all the usual consequences of conquest, and, indeed, all the possibilities of population, as should shock even the credulity of romantick belief."* tells us, Because a cold rage seizes one at whiles To show the bitter old and wrinkled truth * * Surely I write not for the hopeful young, * * * * For none of these I write, and none of these * * * * If any cares for the weak words here written, Therefore, we proclaim, (As from his birth, being hugged in the arms, If ought of these strains fill this consort up- The advice is the same in each case, the audience bidden the same, the depth of pessimism similar. "The language of the message," as Thomson calls it, is, of course, differently cast, owing to the difference of modes of literary expression in 1602 and the present day. One word as to the possible cause of this seventeenth century pessimism. Mr. Moberly, in the preface to the Rugby edition of 'Hamlet,' attributes the melancholy of Shakespeare's age to the "transition then in progress from the active out-of-door existence to the sedentary student life." It is quite possible that this change of life was in part a cause of the growing feeling. For myself, I should feel inclined to interpret the hints given us by Shakespeare in 'Hamlet,' and to find perhaps the most potent factor of the wave of pessimism in the influence of the acceptance of Copernican ideas upon the sense of the dignity of man. This is clearly an element in Hamlet's madness:Doubt thou the stars are fire, Again : Doubt that the sun doth move. "It goes so heavily with my disposition that this goodly frame, the earth, seems to me a sterile promontory, this most excellent canopy, the air, look you, this brave o'erhanging firmament, this majestical roof fretted with golden fire, why, it appears no other thing to me than a foul and pestilent congregation of vapours. What a piece of work is man! how noble in reason!" &c. 66 And yet, to me, what is this quintessence of dust?" "What should such fellows as I do," Hamlet says, upon another occasion, "crawling between earth and heaven!" Though Copernicus's treatise was published in the middle of the sixteenth century, it was long before its conclusions were accepted by the popular mind; and Hamlet's melancholy seems to me to typify the feelings of distrust that it, like the Darwinian theory in our own day-no small element, at first, in intensifying the pessimistic phase of ten years ago-created in many minds. I have stated my theory: (1) that the pessimism attributed by some scholars specially to Shakespeare was for the time epidemic; (2) that this phase, preoccupying the minds of such men as Tourneur and Ford, led them to seek for subjects, as Vernon Lee has shown, in the corrupted life of Italy; (3) that Marston was pre-eminently, because most consciously, choragus of this school of pessimists; (4) that the cause was, at least in part, semi-theological, semi-scientific, as in our own day. I shall be pleased if elder scholars will point out my mistakes or contribute from their fulness of knowledge to this subject. It seems to me that it is one at least worth discussion. Montreal. R. W. BOODLE. EPITAPH, "OUR LIFE IS BUT A WINTER'S DAY." Having lately met with a fine version of an epitaph beginning with these words, in which life is likened to the time spent at an inn, I have been endeavouring to find its authorship and to ascertain its original form. The following notes I have made with the aid of my good neighbour Mr. Harry Thornber, of Sale, Cheshire, who turned up most of the references in books in his well-stored library. A version of the lines occurs in the Cyclopædia of Practical [sic] Quotations' (London, Reeves & Turner, 1883), p. 232, and the authorship is attributed to Bishop Henshaw, author of 'Hora Subcessiva.' Joseph Henshaw was a Sussex man, descended from a family of that name in Cheshire, seated in the township of Siddington, Prestbury parish, Macclesfield Hundred. He was born about the year 1603, became a divine, was ejected from his preferments in the Civil War, and in 1663 became Bishop of Peterborough; he died 1678/9. The second edition of his 'Hora Subcessiva,' which is in Bodley's Library, is dated 1631 (the first belonging to 1630); but it consists of part i. only, as also, though not stated, does the 1804 reprint, edited by W. P. R. from the first edition. The second edition is dedicated to Lady Anne Cottington. On p. 80 is the following, in "One doth but breake-fast here, another dine; ho that lives longest does but suppe: We must all goe to bed in another World." There were other editions of the 'Hore': the third in 1631; the fourth in 1635, described in Hazlitt's 'Collections and Notes'; the fifth in 1640; the seventh in 1661, corrected and much enlarged, with an engraved title by Glover. In 1686 Bishop 1704; and in 1839 there was an edition by Wm. Kidder added a third part, reprinted separately in Turnbull. I have not ascertained whether in these editions the passage was in any way amplified. Herrick, in his lines upon himself, played upon the same idea :— As wearied pilgrims, once possesst But age hath brought me right to bed. Another poet to whom the epitaph is attributed is Francis Quarles, to whom it is ascribed in Allibone's 'Poetical Quotations' (Philadelphia, 1882, p. 303). On turning to Quarles's works the lines are found in his poems called 'Divine Fancies,' first published in 1633 (Griffith's 'Bibliotheca Anglo-Poetica,' p. 282). In the eighth edition, 1687, bk. i. p. 121, No. Ixix., the lines headed 'On the Life of Man' are given thus: Our Life is nothing but a Winter's day: Some only break their Fast, and so away: Others stay Dinner, and depart full fed: The deepest Age but Sups and goes to Bed: He's most in debt, that lingers out the Day: Who dies betime, has less and less to pay. A similar version of it, with no indication of authorship, is found in vol. ii. of 'A Collection of Epigrams (London, 8vo., 1737, No. cccxxviii.), headed Life.' The idea introduced in these lines is found in the same copy of Quarles's 'Divine Fancies,' in a poem entitled "On the Life of Man,' in bk. i. p. 8, No. xviii., thus :— Our Life's the Model of a Winter's day! Our Soul's the Sun, whose faint and feeble Ray Gives our Earth light, a light but weak, at strongest ; But low, at highest; very short, at longest. The childish tears that from our eyes do pass, Is like the Dew that pearls the morning grass: When as our Sun is but an hour high, We go to School, to learn; are Whipt, and cry: We truant up and down; we make a spoil Of precious time, and sport in our own toil: Our Bed 's the quiet Grave, wherein we lay Our weary Bodies tired with the Day: The Early Trumpet, like the morning Bell: Calls to account; where they that have learned well Shall find Reward; and such as have mispent Their time, shall reap an earned punishment. No wonder then to see the Sluggard's eyes, So loath to go to bed, so loath to rise. The epitaph in a similar form finds a locality in version printed by Mr. Fairley ('Epitaphiana,' Lond., 1875, 8vo.), who gives it thus (p. 30), 'On an Innkeeper at Eton': Life 's an Inn, my house will show it;I thought so once, but now I know it. Man's life is but a Winter's day: Some only breakfast and away;1 Others to dinner stay and are full fed; The oldest man but sups and then to bed; Large is his debt who lingers out the day; Who goes the soonest has the least to pay. At p. 26 the same compiler gives another form of it "from a Welsh churchyard "-a vague direction for localizing it : Life is an inn upon a market day: Some short-pursed pilgrims breakfast and away; Others to dinner stay and get full fed, And others after supper steal to bed; Large are the bills who linger out the day, The shortest stayers have the least to pay. The same epitaph occurs in a MS. commonplacebook in my possession, compiled by the Rev. John Watson, M.A., Vicar of Prestbury, co. Chester, from 1786 to 1800, son of the famous antiquary of the same name. Like his father, he was excellent at an epigram, and there are some good ones in this MS. He was living at "Bonis Hall," in Prestbury parish, at the time of his death, April 14, 1782. At the head of the verses he has written the words in pencil, "Bowdon Church," which is in Cheshire, near Manchester; but I have never met with any who remember to have seen the inscription there. He writes it thus: Our Life is but a Winter's Day: Some only breakfast and away; Others to dinner stay, and are full fed; The oldest man but sups and goes to bed. Long is his debt who lingers out ye dayWho goes the soonest has the least to pay. The words seem to have been copied and placed upon a stone in the churchyard of Ashton-onMersey-bank, in Cheshire, a few miles from Bowdon : "Here Resteth the body of William Alderley. Died Sep'ber the 8th 1812. Aged 67 years.-Jane, Wife of William Alderley of Sale, who departed this life July 31 1808. Aged 62 years.-Ellen, daughter of William and Jane Alderley of Sale, who departed this life March 12th 1805. Aged 22 years. Our life is like a Winter's day; Some to breakfast only and away; Stretford, Manchester. THE "MERRY MONARCH'S" MUSICIANS. (Concluded from p. 306.) Thomas Baltzer, one of his Mats private Musicko, for two Vyolins and other things by him bought for his Mats Service by warrt dated 7th September 1661, xxxiiij" iij iiij. Philip Beckett, one of his Mats Musitians for ye Vyolins in ordinary, for a vyolin, to be vsed in the Chamber of Vyolins, and for a Cornett to bee vsed in his Mats Chappell Royall, by him bought and delivered for bis Ma" service by warrt dated ijdo September 1661, xviij". Fifteene of his Mat Musitions for the Vyolins, for their charges in their Journey to Windsor vpon the Installac'on, Aprill the xvjth 1661, at vs p' diem each for vjex dayes, by warrt dated xxxmo Maij 1661, xxiju x'. Thomas Blagrave and William Hawes, two other of the said Musitions, for their like charges during the same tyme by warrt dated xiijth September 1661, 1x. And to the said Thomas Blagrave and Robert Blagrave with tenne other of his Mat Music'ons for the wynd Instruments for their like charges in their Journey to Windsor during the said time by warrt dated iiij Julij 1661, xviij. Henry Cooke, Master of the Children of his Mats Chappell, by iijee warrts, viz., by warrt dated iiijth Julij 1661, for fetching five boyes from Newarke and Lincolne for his Mats service, xxiij xvij ix. dated xvjth September 1661, for his By warrt owne attendance with the Twelue Children of his Mats Chappell at St George's feast at Windsor by the space of vijen dayes at v p' diem to eache and Torches and Lights for practiceing Musicke against his Ma" Coronac'on, xxij" vj. And by warrt dated xxiijo Martij 1661, for money by him expended to Masters for teaching the said Mich'as 1660 to the Lady Day following, and for a booke Children to write and Learne and speake Lattin from of the services and Anthemes for his Mats service, 1 xviij. Total iiijxxxvij xxj. Henry Comer, one of his Mats Music'ans for the for his Ma" Service by warrt dated with Marcij 1661, x". Vyolins, for a Treble Vyolin by him bought and delivered Richard Darney, one of his Mats Musicons in ordinary, for a tenor Vyolin by him bought and delivered for his Mats Service by warrt dated xvth Marcij 1661, vij". John Hingeston, maker, tuner, and repairer of his Mate wind Instruments, for several wind Instruments by him bought and provided for his Matys Service, and for other nec'cie charges about ye same, by warrt dated xxmo December 1660. Cxvj" xviij'. Davis Mill, one of his Mats Musitians in ordinary, for musicke bookes for his Mats Vyolins and for a Cremona Vyolin for his Mats Service by warrt dated xjmo April 1661, xl". John Strong, one of his Mats Musitians for the wind Instruments, for two double Sagbuttes for his Mats Service in his Mats Chamber and Chappell by warrt dated xixm Martij. xxx". Theodore Stoeskin, one of his Mats Musitions, to buy and provide one Base Vyoll for his Mats service by warrt dated xvjte Julij 1661, x". John Singleton and Twelve more of his Mats Music'ons for the Violins, for the fitting and enabling of them to attend his Mat Royall person in his Journey to Portsmouth for the Recepc'on of the Queenes Matie there by warrt dated the xiiijth of May 1662, CCC" x'. To John Bannister, one of his Mateis Mus'cions in Ordinary, for two Cremona Violins by him bought and delivered for his Mats service, xl", and more to him for Strings for Two whole yeeares ended the xxiiijth of June 1662, x" In both by warrant dated the xxiiijth of October 1662, 1". To Paul Francis Bridges, one of his Mats Mus'cions in the Private Musicke, for a Base Violl by him bought and delivered for his Mats service by warrt dated the xviijth of November, 1662, x". To Richard Colinge gent for so much by him layd out for the extraordinary Charges of sundry of his Maties Trumpeters that came from Portugall to Porthsmouth and thence to Hampton Court, C. To Humphry Madge, one of his Mats Musitians of the Violins, for a Violin by him delivered for his Mats service, and also for strings by him bought and vsed in his Maties Band of Violins and Private Musicke by warrant dated the second of September 1661, xx". To the said Humphrey Madge and xije more of his Maties Musitians for y Violins, for their expences and horse hire in the attendance vpon his Matie at Hampton Court from the xxixth of May 1662 to the xxiijd of August following, being iiij**vijen dayes, by warrant dated tho xxxth of August 1662, CCiiij**vij" xv. To John Revet, his Mats Brasier, for Six new Kettle Drummes, and for mending the old ones by warrant dated the xxixth of September 1662, xxxiij" vij'. To John Kingeston, Keeper and Repairer of his Maties Winde Instruments, for a new Cabinet Organ, iiijer Violins, and severall other Instruments, and for stringing and repaireing sundry other Instruments, by warrant dated the xvth of March 1660, Cxxj" xiij vj. More to him for Organs and a Harpiscord for the King Chappell at Hampton Court, and alsoe for the Queenes Private Chappell by warrant dated the xixth of April 1662, Civ" xv. To Henry Cooke, Master of the Children of his Maties Chappel, for the Children of the Chappel Learning ye Violin, xxx"; and for their Learning the Organ, xxx", for a whole yeare ended at Mich'as 1662. And for two Violins x", and for a Harpiscall x". In all by warrt dated the xxix of November 1662, iiijxx". To the said Henry Cooke for himselfe and xiijn boyes (Children of his Maties Chappell) for their attendance at Windsor at St. Georges ffeast 1663, which continued six dayes at v apiece p' diem, xxj"; for the attendance of Mr. Bates and Mr. Gregory, two other Mus'cions there, for the same time at the same rate, lx; for carrying the Instruments that were for performance of the Musicke there, xxx'; and for the Charges of their Lodging there, xl'. In all, by warrant dated the xxxth of Aprill 1663, xxvij" x'. To John, Robert, and Edward Strong, for three Base Violins by them bought and delivered for his Mats service by warrant dated the iijd of September 1662, 1" To William Gregory, one of his Mats Music'ons in ordinary for a Violl and Strings by him bought and delivered for his Maties service by warrt dated the xxvjth of March 1662, xvij". To William Young. Isaac Staggins, Theophilus Fitts, William Clayton, Richard Hudson, John Strong, and John Bannister, vijen of his Mats Music'ons in Ordinary for the Violyn, xx" a piece by way of advance to fitt and enable them to attend the Queen at Tunbridge by warrt dated the xxth of July 1663. Cxl". To John Bannister, Mr of his Mats particular bands of Violins, for himself and six more of the said Band for their extraordinary Charges in their attendance vpon his Matie in his Journeys in the Sum'er 1665 by warrant dated the iiijth of July 1665, CCCC". J. P. HORE. Newmarket, Cambs. SIR JOHN MOORE, WOLFE'S ODE ON HIS BURIAL.-The poem of Charles Wolfe on the burial of Sir John Moore was noticed in the first volume of 'N. & Q.,' and its authorship, with the hoaxes and parodies to which it gave rise, has been frequently made the subject of comment. But I have not observed any reference to the elegy on the Burial of a Pilgrim Father in America, 1630,' which resembles it in structure and rhythm. Some of the most closely similar passages run as follows: We anxiously hallowed the frozen ground And heaped up this lonely barrow, Or a watchword cautiously uttered. With the trust that his spirit had flown on high, (Hutchinson's 'Fugitive Poetry,' "Chandos Classics," p. 544.) It is not improbable that this was in the mind of the writer of the ode, or, at least, that he had been acquainted with it. ED. MARSHALL. SAVAGE'S EPIGRAM ON DENNIS.-Johnson states, in his 'Life of Savage,' that he believed that Savage's foul epigram, written when "he lived in great familiarity with Dennis," was never published." This is evidently a mistake, for it occurs in 'The Grub Street Memoirs,' vol. ii. p. 91, and was published, it appears, in the Grub Street Journal-of which the 'Memoirs' are an abstract-of Thursday, July 1, 1731. To the bottom of this epigram in the Memoirs' only the letter A is appended. The version as it is given at the above reference is slightly different from Johnson's. The first line and part of the next in the former runs Should D -8 print, how once you robb'd your brother, their masters' titles; the Duke of Norfolk's coachTraduc'd your Monarch; which Johnson gives thus : Should Dennis publish you had stabb'd your brother, Only one other difference occurs between the two versions, which is in the fifth line. Instead of "Of one so poor," Johnson gives "On one so poor." W. ROBERTS. FRANKENSTEIN.-A little time ago I noticed a mistake which I find repeated in a recent speech by Sir John Lubbock. He is reported to have said, "I believe it would be impossible to control the Frankenstein we should have ourselves created." If I remember rightly, Frankenstein is the name of the maker of the monster, and not of the monster itself. H. ASTLEY ROBERTS. "QUEY-CAUFS ARE DEAR VEAL."-This proverbial expression is given in the second edition of Hazlitt's English Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases,' with the following suggested explanation of quey-caufs, " sucking calves." A quey calf, called in Yorkshire a wye, is a female calf. Of course farmers are more in the habit of keeping the female calves, as being more valuable, whilst the bull calves are for the most part fattened and sold for veal. It is hardly worth while pointing out that quey is cognate with O.N. quiga, a heifer; Dan. quie. F. C. BIRKBECK TERRY. MUSICAL MEMS.-The Russian national hymn is Haynes Bayly's "I'd be a butterfly," played in slow time. Lady Dufferin's song "So Miss Myrtle is going to marry," is "For thee, oh dear, dear country," a well-known hymn, in 'Hymns Ancient and Modern.' "We don't want to fight, but by jingo if we do" is from Mozart's Twelfth Mass, sung in the English Church to the words "Judge me, oh Lord!" WILLIAM FRASER of Ledeclune, Bt. PARISH CHURCH OF PORTSMOUTH.-Many of your readers must have noticed the fine old copper-gilt weathercock of this church, which is in the fashion of an ancient full-rigged ship, with spread ensign aft; the vessel is about six feet long, and the flag about four feet long. It may not be known to them that when the necessity arises to take it down to clean and regild, it seems to be a local custom for any waterman from "the Hard" or thereabouts whose wife has lately been confined to take the child and lay it in the hull for a moment or two, just "for luck." D. PALGRAVE TURNER. NOBLE MASTERS AND THEIR SERVANTS.-I have read somewhere or other that whilst noble lords are engaged in debates inside the House of Peers, their servants enjoy themselves in an assembly of their own below stairs, where they are called by man or footman, e. g., being "His Grace of Norfolk." It would seem that there is nothing new under the sun, even in this little matter; for I find in 'Gil Blas,' chap. xxx., the following: "It was a good jest to see us every moment toasting one another under the surnames of our masters; Don Antonio's valet giving the name of Gamboa to Don Fernando's servant, and Don Fernando's footman honouring Don Antonio's valet with that of Centelles : they called me Silva; and by degrees we got as drunk under those borrowed names as our masters to whom they properly belonged." E. WALFORD, M.A. [The adoption of their masters' and mistresses' titles by the domestics in High Life below Stairs' is, of course, familiar.] 66 "BERD"=BEARD.-February 28 and March 28 fell on Sundays; and in the morning Psalms I heard a Lincolnhire parish clerk say, ran down unto the berd, even unto Aaron's berd" (Psalm cxxxiii. 2). Such is the accepted pronunciation of "beard" in South Lincolnshire. CUTHBERT BEDE. 'HUDIBRAS.'-The translation in French verse made by Towneley, and published in London in 1757, with Hogarth's plates, still fetches a good price in Paris-as much as fifteen shillings. HYDE CLARKE. Queries. We must request correspondents desiring information on family matters of only private interest, to affix their names and addresses to their queries, in order that the answers may be addressed to them direct, GWYNNE OF GLANBRANE.-In the second, or 1846, edition of Burke's Landed Gentry,' vol. i. p. 520, a pedigree is given of Gwynne of Glanbrane, which does not occur in any other edition of that work. In this pedigree Thynne Howe Gwynne, second son of Roderick Gwynne (by the Hon. Anne Howe, daughter of Lord Chedworth and Dorothy Thynne, his wife), is said to have married "Miss Mathew, of Lundock Castle, Glaorgan," and his granddaughter married, in 1830, James Price Holford, afterwards Gwynne-Holford, of Kilgwyn. It is stated in the pedigree of the Viscount Hereford that the Hon. Georgiana Mariana Devereux, youngest daughter of the thirteenth viscount, married Thynne Howe Gwynne, of Gwernvale, Brecon, who died February 26, 1856. It is also stated in Burke's 'History of the Commoners,' vol. iii. p. 245, footnote, that Thynne Howe Gwynne married Mary, second daughter of Richard Gorges, by Frances Bushell, or Fettyplace, his wife. I wish to know if the husband of "Miss Mathew," the Hon. Miss Devereux, and Miss Gorges was one and the same person; and, if so, in what order he married his three wives. If |