,

find that all their attempts to give effect to and sword in the hands of the Executive it are of no avail, except to aid the party is conjured up for political effect. There which is anxious to defeat the Republican are none who resort to this humbug, who bewill. i del Lors boobed but do not lieve that the danger exists which they so The truth is, Sir, that the separation of clamorously deprecate. Their only wish Bank and State was supposed to have been is to delude the people and obtain their accomplished by the Federal Constitution sanction to the domination of banks and as it now reads. The union of the two at their irresponsible issues. They know that the close of the Revolution was as odious Congress is vested with the power to lay as that of church and state, and such will and collect taxes to raise armies of which now be found to be the sentiment of the the President is charged with the direction great body of the American people, when and with the due execution of the lawsever the question is fairly submitted to their that by law all money appropriated is speejudgment. dily applied to the objects of its appropriaI am aware that the confidence I reposed tion, and one cent cannot be drawn from in the State Banks when the removal of the the Treasury but in pursuance of law and deposites was determined upon is used to on the warrant of the Secretary of the justify, not only the re-union of the Banks Treasury countersigned by the Treasurer and the Treasury, but also as an argument and 1st Comptroller-that the President against the consistency of those who like is bound by solemn oath to see the laws Mr. Van Buren, sustained that act of my faithfully executed; and that to every Conadministration. I admit that this confi- gress the Secretary of the Treasury is dence existed and had some influence on bound to make an expose of all the disbursethe considerations which prompted me to ment, which is examined by Congressresort to them at that time as a substitute that the President for failure of duty is liafor the Bank of the United States. When ble to impeachment-away then with this this latter institution took the political field, raw-head-and-bloody-bones. It is only a and avowed the insulting right, to expend device to continue the usage of taxing the the public money in disseminating its ana- people for the benefit of Banks, an effort themas against the general government, it to take the public revenue out of the hands was natural for me to seek for a substitute for of responsible to put it into the hands of such an institution in the State Banks. irresponsible agents, who will use it to enThese Banks were in operation, and if pru- courage over issues of paper money, and dently managed, could have safely filled thus expose the Government and people the vacuum occasioned by the winding up perpetually, to the injuries we are now exof the U. S. Bank, without producing any periencing from the want of a stable curserious change in the commercial or busi- rency.

ness operations of the country. They could If the revenue is received in gold and not at least do worse than the U. S. Bank silver, it will force the Banks to resume had done, and it was but charitable to in- specie payments, keep them within the dulge the hope that they would do better. bounds of just banking principles, give the But was this confidence well founded, and people a metallic currency or its equivalent, whose fault is it that it was not? Let their and put an end to the overtrading and wild treachery to the government and the people speculation which have been so long the answer. Every day that the directors of bane of our country. Is it not then our these Banks inet at their boards, they knew duty to rally round such a measure, and their liabilities and their assets to meet are we not wrong in doubting the disposithem. They were repeatedly and earnest- tion of the people, to sustain what is so ly cautioned by the Treasury Department manifestly their interest and welfare? not to over-issue their charters prohibited In separating the Government from the it their solemn obligations to the govern- Banks we secure to labor its fair reward in ment and people, and every principle of an undeviating tender of value, every homoral honesty forbade it. Still, in open nest pursuit is promoted, the Government violation of all obligation, they suspended is relieved from the political influence of specie payment in a time of profound peace, the money power, legislation is purified, robbed the treasury of many millions of and the republican feelings of our citizens money, and cried out at the same time that are cherished) The mint, for the support the Treasury was bankrupt.

But aware that the administration cannot be injured by the charge, that confidence was once reposed in the State Banks, the raw-head-and-bloody-bones of the purse

of which the people are taxed, will then be employed in its proper office, that of coining the metals, which, in exchange for our profitable commodities, will steadily flow into our land,

*

true Republicans will discard the idea of our again trusting the public money to Banks. The plan proposed by Mr. Van Buren exposes us to no hazards.-.On the contrary, if adopted, it will simplify the operations of our revenue, purify legisla tion by removing from it the corrupting influence of money, and ensure peace, harmony, and prosperity, to all the great and diversified interests of our country.

On this subject, Sir, I acknowledge that all who are conversant with history must e that I feel the deepest interest, as I am per- be aware that there are exigencies from suaded it is pregnant with consequences of which we are not exempt in a state of war, the highest importance to our beloved coun- when the Bankruptcy of our Government, try.. If we are not now able to occupy the would force it to make a dishonorable ground prepared for us, by those who fram- peace, if it did not compel its submission ed the constitution, in respect to the influ- to a foreign yoke. Looking at the subject ence of Banks and moneyed associations, in this light, I indulge in the hope that all I fear its recovery hereafter will cost the people difficulties and disasters compared to which those that have been occasioned by the suspension of specie payments will be considered as nothing. The idea that in the event of war, the Banks are again employed as public depositories, it will be in their power to stop payment and thus deprive the nation of its means of credit and support, is sufficient in my judgment, to enlist the ardor of every patriot on the side of those, who will refuse to commit so great a trust to any moneyed institution. All experience tells us that money is the sinew of war, and that no nation can long be free and independent, which places this element of its power in hands that are irresponsible in their very nature. Such would be our situation if the Banks, as at present organized retain the public money. They could much more easily in war, than in peace, find an excuse for refusing payment and violat- MOSES DAWSON, Esq. ing their pledges to the Government; and

Excuse the haste in which I have been compelled to throw together these ideas.They are but an outline of the general views which belong to the subject; yet short and imperfect as it is, I feel that it has required quite as much labor as my infirm health enables me to bestow upon it.. Thanking you for your friendly solicitude for my personal welfare,

35

I remain, yours truly,
ANDREW JACKSON.

is MR. CALHOUN'S RESOLUTIONS.qeb sdn fest I

The following is a copy of these resolutions, as they passed the Senate:

I. Resolved, That, in the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the states adopting the same acted, severally, as free, independent, and sovereign states; and that each, for itself, by its own voluntary assent, entered the Union with the view to its increased security against all dangers, domestic as well as foreign, and the more perfect and secure enjoyment of its advantages, natural, political, and social.

IV. Resolved, That domestic slavery, a #exists in the Southern and Western States of this Union, composes an important part of their domestic institutions, inherited from their an cestors, and existing at the adoption of the Con stitution, by which it is recognised as constitus ting an important element in the apportion-I ment of powers among the States, and that no change of opinion, or feeling, on the part of the other States of the Union in relation to it; can justify them or their citizens in open and systematic attacks, thereon, with the view to its overthrow, and that all such attacks are in manifest violation of the mutual and solemn pledge to protect and defend each other, given by the States respectively, on entering into the constitutional compact which formed the Union, and as such are a manifest breach of faith, and a violation of the most solemn obligations.

II. Resolved, That in delegating a portion of their powers to be exercised by the Federal Government, the states retained, severally, the exclusive and sole right over their own domes! tic institutions and policy to the full extent to which those powers were not thus delegated, and are alone responsible for them; and that any intermeddling of any one e or more states, or a combination of their citizens, with the do mestic institutions and police of the others, on any ground, political, moral, or religious, or under any pretext whatever, with the view to their alteration or subversion, is not warranted by the constitution, tending to endanger the domestic peace and tranquility of the states in terfered with, subversive of the objects for which the constitution was formed, and, by necessary consequence, tending to weaken and destroy the Union itself.

III. Resolved, That this Government was instituted and adopted by the several states of this Union as a common agent, in order to carry into effect the powers which they had dele. gated by the constitution for their mutual security and prosperity; and that, in fulfilment of this high and sacred trust, this Government is bound so to exercise its powers as not to interfere with the stability and security of the domestic institutions of the states that compose the Union; and that it is the solemn duty of the Government to resist, to the extent of its constitutional power, all attempts by one portion of the Union to use it as an instrument to attack the domestic institutions of another or for to weaken or destroy such institutions.

V. Resolved, That the inference by the citizens of any of the States, with the view to the abolition of slavery in this District, is endangering the rights and security of the District, and that any act or measure of Congress designed to abolish slavery in this District, would i be a violation of the faith implied in the cession by the States of Virginia and Maryland, a just cause of alarm to the people of the slaveholding States, and have a direct and inevita ble tendency to disturb and endanger the Union.

And resolved, That any attempt of Congress to abolish slavery in any Territory of the United States, in which it exists, would create se. rious alarm, and just apprehension, in the States sustaining that domestic institution, would be a violation of good faith towards the inhabitants of any such Territory who have been permitted to settle with, and hold slaves therein, because the people of any such Territory have not asked for the Abolition of slavery therein, and because when any such Territory shall he admitted into the Union as a State, the people thereof will be entitled to decide that question exclusively for themselves.

Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, said he rose with extreme reluctance, to make some remarks upon the question now before the Senate. I myself, said Mr. Buchanan, had determined this morning to move a reference of these resolutions of the Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun) to a select committee, but was dissuaded from my purpose after I reached the Senate. This motion has now been made by another gentleman (Mr. Benton) and I am called upon to vote either for or against it. As I am still clearly of opinion that an immediate reference of these resolutions to a select committee would, under existing circumstances, be the wisest course, whether we regard the interest of the North or the South, I

IN SENATE, Friday, Jan. 5.

am prepared to give this motion my hearty support.

On this exciting question I desire to do nothing as a member of this body, which can in the slightest degree interfere with the constitutional rights of the slave-holding States. My fate as a public man is as deeply staked upon the preser vation of these rights as that of any other individual in the country. I have long since taken my stand, and from it I shall not be driven. I do not desire to maintain myself at home, unless I can do it with a due regard to the rights and the safety of the people of the South. I am prepared therefore, to adopt any just measure within the pale of the Constitution, to settle this dangerous

question, and to afford the greatest security to slave-holding States. Notwithstanding these are my sentiments, I cannot believe that the Senator from South Carolina has chosen the course best calculated to attain these results. This is the great centre of agitation. From this Capitol, it spreads over the whole Union. I, therefore, deprecate a protracted discussion of the question here. It can do no good, but may do much harm, both in the North and in the South. It was for this reason that, after the right of petition had been recognized a solemn vote of this body, I was content not as act as we have done for the last two years, and leave the question to be discussed by the people of the country themselves. We have now abandoned this safe, this prudent course, and what has been the result? For the last three days we have been engaged in a discussion eminently calculated to irritate and inflame the public mind; and as yet we have not adopted the third series of resolutions. If we proceed, I shall be agreeably disappointed if an other week should close this debate. And what shall we gain by the adoption of these resolutions? Nothing, worse than nothing. Those who look hich to the votes upon them, as the standard by which to ascertain how many are in favor of, and how many opposed to their main object, will be greatly mistaken Some thirteen or fifteen votes have been recorded against these resolutions; when, from my knowledge of Senators, I am firmly convinced that there are but very few, if any, who are not prepared to vote for resolutions prepared in such a conciliatory spirit, as not to encounter the opinions or the prejudices of any, and which ought to give, and I believe would give, entire satisfaction to the South. The moral effect of such a unanimons or almost unanimous vote of the Senate, would be great upon the country. It is, therefore, for the purpose of arresting this unprofitable debate, and of having such resolutions reported by a select committee, that I shall vote in favor of the proposition.

What have we witnessed upon the present occasion? The Senators from Delaware, although representing a slave-holding State upon this floor, have voted against these resolutions, because, in their opinion, they can detect in them the poison of nullification. Now, I can see no such thing in them, and am ready to avow that in the main they contain nothing but the assertion of correct political principles to which I am devoted. But

cannot be disguised, that those of us in the Nor them States who have determined to sustain the rights of the slave-holding States at every hazard, are placed in a most embarrassing situation. We are almost literally between two fires, whilst in front we are assailed by the abolitionists, our own friends in the South are constantly driving us into positions where their enemies and our enemies may gain important advantages. Let us then sacrifice forms if we can obtain the substance.org son signs mad or the

Now, sir, if a select committee should be raised, they might, I think, report these resolutions, which would receive the almost unanimous vote of the Senate. order bande gar

What is the evil of which the Southern States complain? Numerous abolition societies have been formed throughout the Middle and Northern States; and for what purpose? It cannot be for the purpose of effecting any change of opinion in the free States on the subject of slavery. We have no slaves there; we never shall have any slaves there. The object cannot be to operate on the slave-holders; because the abolitionists must know every person within the sound of my voice knows that their interference with this question, has bound the slave-holding interest together as one man against abolishing slavery in their respective States. Before this uufortunate agitation commenced, a very large and growing party existed in several of the slave States in favor of the gradual abolition of slavery; and now not a voice is heard there in support of such a measure. The abolitionists have postponed the emancipation of the slaves in three or four States, of this Union for at least half a century. They have, by their interference, produced such a state of public opinion that no man within these States would now be bold enough to raise such a question before any of their Legislatures. What, then, is the purpose of these societies-I will not say the purpose, for I cannot, and do not, attribute to them such unholy intentions-but what is the direct tendency of their measures? To irritate and exasperate the feelings of the slaves; to hold out to them vague notions and delusive hopes of liberty; to render them discontented and unhappy, and, finally, to foment servile insurrection, with all its attendant horrors,and to cover the land with blood. However devoted to the Union the South may be the cup of forbearance may yet be exhausted. If the father of a family be placed in such a deplora

placed in a hat then? These Senators are ble condition that he cannot retire to rest at night

proaching danger. This I verily believe now ex frage in the Senate. This District was ceded to ists, and that too, solely from the efforts of these the United States by Virginia and Maryland. At abolition societies. I can fancy no other cause the date of the cession, they were both slave-holdwhich could by possibility endanger its existence. ing States, and they continue to be so at this day. And, if the Union should be dissolved upon the -Does any man suppose, for a single moment, question of slavery, what will be the conse- that they would have ever made this cession, if quences? An entire non-intercourse between its they had supposed that Congress would abolish different parts, mutual jealousies, and implacable slavery in this District of ten miles square whilst wars. The hopes of the friends of liberty, in it existed in their surrounding territories? So every clime, would be blasted; and despotism long as it continues in these two States, it would might regain her empire over the world. I might be a violation of the implied faith which we present in detail the evils which would flow from pledged to them by the acceptance of the cession disunion, but I forbear. I shall not further lift to convert this very cession into the means of injur the curtain. The scene would be too painful. ing and destroying their peace and security. The good sense and sound patriotism of the people of the North, when once aroused to the danger, will apply the appropriate remedy. The peaceful influence of public opinion will save the Union.

The select committee might report a resolution which would obtain the unanimous vote of the Senate, declaring that neither the Congress of the United States, nor any State, nor any combination of individuals in any State, has any right to interfere with the existence or regulation of slavery in any other State, where it is recognised by law. Even the abolitionists themselves, so far as my knowledge extends, have never denied this principle. It was solemnly announced by the first Congress; and it is most clearly the doctrine of the Constitution. That instrument expressly recognises the right to hold slaves as property in the States where slavery exists. This, then, is not a question of general morality, affecting the consciences of men, but it is a question of constitutional law. When the States became parties to the Federal compact, they entered into a solemn agreement that property in slaves should be as inviolate as any other property. Whilst the Constitution endures, no human power except that of the State within which slavery exists, has any right to interfere with the question. An attempt on the part of any other State, or of Congress, to violate this right would be a palpable violation of the Constitution. Congress might as well undertake to interfere with slavery under a foreign Government as in any of the States where it now exists. I feel confident that there would not be a single dissenting voice raised in the Senate against the adoption of such a resolution as I have suggested.

If this District were free, it would become a city of refuge for the abolitionists. It would be a secure asylum from whence they could scatter ar rows, firebrands, and death throughout the slaveholding States. It would become the very centre of agitation.

The people of this District have viewed with amazement and indignation, the reiterated and persevering attempts which have been made by the citizens of distant States, to interfere in their domestic concerns and deprive them of their property. They have protested against this foreign interference with their rights; but they have protested in vain. Petitions still continue to flow in, although the petitioners ought to know that slavery exists here in its mildest form, and that if they should be successful, there would not be a single slave left in the district upon which the law could operate. Before any bill for this purpose could pass Congress, all the slaves here would be sold and sent away into the slave States, far from the place of their birth and their affections. Success in this attempt would thus place the slaves themselves in a worse condition than they are at present.

A resolution might, therefore, be adopted, in accordance with the spirit and tone of President Van Buren's remarks upon this subject,in his admirable inaugural address. It might declare that whilst slavery exists in Maryland, and Virginia, it ought not, in the opinion of the Senate, to be abolished in the District of Columbia.

This Committee ought to be most carefully selected by the Senate. It would be composed of men whose opinions would command the greatest weight throughout the country. Every thing like party polities should be banished from our A second resolution might assert the principle deliberations on this subject. I should deem that Congress have no right under the constitu- myself guilty of moral treason, if, on a question tion to prohibit the transfer of slaves by a citizen which may endanger the existence of the Union, of one State to a citizen of another State, when I could permit my conduct to be influenced by slavery is recognised by the laws of both. The the petty desire of obtaining a party triumph. power "to regulate commerce among the several Let the resolutions be framed in a most conciliaStates' can never be construed into a power to tory spirit, and let them be clothed in language abolish this commerce. Regulation is one thing, which shall shock the opinions of no Senator. destruction another. As long as slaves continue Provided the substance be retained, I care not for to be property under the constitution, Congress the form. Such resolutions, adopted by an almost might as well undertake to prohibit the people of unanimous vote, might exert the happiest influMassachusetts from selling their domestic manu- ence. They would mark a clear and a broad line factures in South Carolina, as to prohibit the mas- of separation between the friends of the Union ter of a slave in Virginia from disposing of him to on the one side, and the abolitionists on the other, his neighbor in North Carolina. Both cases rest They would free the question from the party poupon the same principle of constitutional law. litics of the day, and would rally all the friends of The power to regulate does not imply the pow- the Constitution every where in their support. er to destroy. I believe that such a resolution The Middle and Northern States are the field would encounter no serious opposition in the Se

nate.

Again, a third resolution might be adopted in regard to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, which would unite nearly every suf

upon which this great battle must be fought. I fear not, I doubt not the result, if Senators from the South, where the people are already united, would but consent to adopt the counsels of those who must bear the brunt of the contest.