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daily and not weekly: and by being instant in the work—having their ar mor on every day, they would abound in zeal, and give a clearer light. Should this scheme be adopted, it would put to silence six-sevenths of the present solicitations, which meet us in every gate and every shape, to be. stow our hard earnings, to educate and fit out preachers for destitute congregations and waste places. Yes, should this plan take effect, the saints would content themselves with the only rule given in the New Testament to raise up preachers, which is, "Pray ye the Lord of the harvest, that he would send forth laborers into the harvest."

Those who believe that Christianity is a principle of state policy—that the state should be divided into religious districts, and that each district should be bound to have a preacher--that the preacher must pass through the expensive stages of literature and divinity to be eligible—and that his hearers must pay the back rents for his education, as well as his yearly wages, as a link of the same chain, will strongly plead for a day to be set apart by law, as an auction day in each week, for the priest to vend the production of his toils to the highest bidders. But for Christians to judge and set at naught a brother, who differs with them in respect of observing a day or not observing it, when every one is to be fully persuaded in his own mind, shows a great lack of the meekness of Christ. Cruel must that censure be, for one Christian to condemn another, for not observing a day nowhere enjoined in the Christian code. If such a command is to be found in the New Testament, let the text be designated, and I will take conviction.

ADDRESS

DELIVERED AT PITTSFIELD, JAN. 8, 1829.

FELLOW CITIZENS :-ON the request of your committe, I arise to address you, with a consciousness of the want of talent, and with depreciated intellect.

The maker and governor of all nations is omniscient. He knows all things. With him there is nothing new. The past, the present, and the to-come, with us are all in his eternal now. With one comprehensive glance, he takes in view all actions, and all motives which produce them; but the case of men is very different. We know but little. Our capacities are small and limited; our pursuit after knowledge is languid; deceptions are abundant; truth lies in a well, we have to dig deep and draw long to get it. "How dark! how intricate the road that leads to intellectual light!" Some men, however, either by the endowments of talent, by greater opportunity, or close research, rise high, and border on the angelic science, while others grovel in the earth, and rise but a small grade above the brutes.

Perhaps an assembly of wiser patriots were never collected together, than at the convention in Philadelphia, in 1787. The United State had gained their independence at the expense of much treasure, toil, and blood, but had at that time, no efficient government for civil regulation. The articles of confederation, were found by experience, to be insufficient to govern the nation; and, to remedy the defects, the several states selected their sages to meet in convention, and point out the road to national safety and happiness. This convention had the experience of all former ages before them, and knew well the condition of all the states; and, after three months deliberation, produced a constitution of government, which was ratified by the people; and which (with some salutary amendments that have been annexed unto it) has been the supreme law of the United States for forty years, under which they have prospered and risen to high

renown.

It is not possible for one man, or a body of men, in framing a consti. tution, or giving a code of laws, to make provision for every event that will take place. Without inspiration, the events will not be known beforehand. Inspiration itself, makes known but few of the events that do

take place among men. And, besides, if an attempt should be made to meet every emergence, the book would be so voluminous, that a human mind could not contain it. Government, must, therefore, have a quantum of confidence reposed in the agents, checked by responsibility. These items should be as rare as possible; but, when they do arise, if the rights of the citizens clash with the energies of government or the letter of the law, the rights of the citizens should always have the pre-eminence; for natural right is anterior to all law. These rights are the gifts of God; constitutions and laws are the creatures of men. This is a glass in which we may see the faces of the two parties in the United States, let them be called by what names soever. In the construction or interpretation of those things that are necessarily obscure, or not expressly provided for, one has the honor of government, and his own honor and importance, for his land-mark; the other, the rights of the people for his polar star. One gratifies his own will, at the expense of being burnt in effigy by an indignant people; the other executes the known will of his constituents, to the sacrificing of his own opinion.

It is no ways probable, that the convention that framed the constitution, or the state conventions who ratified it, ever thought that a time would come, when the representatives in Congress would seek to cheat the people out of the president who was fairly elected; or that a state would give one voice by her electors, and another by her representatives; yet these events have both taken place, one of them in twelve, and the other in thirty-six years after the adoption of the constitution. In the administration of the elder Adams, an alien act, a sedition law, a direct tax, a standing army, an eight per cent loan, etc., all arose, which were so abhorrent to the people, that they rose in their strength, and elected other men, that there might be a change of measures. Jefferson and Burr obtained seven electoral votes more than Adams and Pinckney. As the constitution then stood, the electors did not designate the president and vice-president; and, as Jefferson and Burr had an equal number of votes, the states in Congress, by their representatives, had to select one of the two for president. In this crisis, it it believed that there was not a man in Congress but knew that it was the design of the people that Jefferson, and not Burr should be the president; but, as there was a gap for chicanery, the adverse party, finding that Burr would hearken to proposals, sustained thirty-six ballotings, to cheat the people out of their president. Was this bowing to the majesty of the people? The United States were so alarmed at this event, that they altered the constitution, to prevent the like again.

In the presidential election of 1824, another game was played. Jackson had fifteen more electoral votes than the second Adams, but not a majority of the whole; and, therefore, the selection devolved on the rep

resentatives in Congress. In this selection, some of the states who had voted by their electoral colleges for Jackson, now, by their represen tatives, voted for Adams; some of whom, at least, had the express wish and known will of the states where they lived, that they would give their votes for Jackson; but, for some reason or other, the will of the people was trampled upon. If Herod and Pontius Pilate, who before were at strife, were not made friends, in order to crucify Jackson, and keep the presidency in a cabinet line, our senses have deceived us. Two thirds of the people, in the now presidential election, on oath, have declared it to be true. Well done, Uncle Sam! neither the terror of the administration of the elder Adams, nor the intrigue that was used to elect the second Adams, and perpetuate the dynasty in a cabinet line, have deterred or deceived you. Go on, sir, with your independent majesty, and the kind heavens will prosper you.

It must be granted, that every man has ambition to excel, and a thirst after pre-eminence. This propensity is nourished by base men, which leads them into the various parts of tyranny. Such men serve not their country, but themselves, and by good words and fair speeches, deceive the simple. Men of this description, should be trusted no more with the destinies of government, than wolves should be placed to guard the sheep. But the good man suppresses this vile ambition, and transforms it into patriotic emulation. Did Washington, did Jefferson ever seek to be promoted? Did they ever express a desire to be exalted on the ruin of public good or public will? Were they not always little in their own eyes, and subservient to the voice of their country? Let the history of their lives answer the questions. And has Jackson ever been an office-hunter? has he ever sought promotion? When the safety of his country called for the display of his talents, he has never declined the enterprise, though painful and hazardous; but, as soon as the object was gained, like Cincinnatus and Seranus, he has retired to his home, to feast on the furniture of his own mind, and enjoy the scenes of rural life.

A man may conquer in many pitched battles, and be destitute of the talents which a statesman and chief magistrate should possess; but, he who can make soldiers out of ruffians—create supplies for an army in a waste place—fasten every soldier to him in love and fear—be so sagacious as never to be surprised—and defeat an army vastly superior to his own, with the loss of little or no blood, gives, the best pledges that he is endowed with a gift to rule.

Such has been the case with Jackson. The battle, just hinted at, which ended in a splendid victory, was fought on the eighth of January, 1815, and has given rise to the present assembly, to celebrate the victory of that day.

This evening is awfully solemn, like the evening of the passover, which was a time much to be observed by the children of Israel. Cast your thoughts back fourteen years from this day, and reflect on the prize at stake. The "beauty and booty" of New Orleans—the navigation of the Mississippi, and the American army. When so much was at hazard, well might the commander and his men exclaim, "If we perish, we will perish in the last ditch."

The western troops deserve well of their country. I personally knew a great number of the early settlers of Kentucky; they were my neigh. bors and acquaintances--they were men of principle, patriotism, and be. nevolence, "not quarrelsome, but bold enough to fight;" and their sons have not disgraced them. To defend their own homes from the savages, had taught them the art and hardships of war, and the use of the rifle; and, at this battle, every squint they made was a harbinger of certain death.

From the great law of self-preservation, which is paramount to all laws written on parchment, General Jackson was necessarily impelled to proclaim martial law in New Orleans, and stop the proceedings of the civil functionaries. It was a daring attempt; but he took the responsibility upon himself, and by doing it, he saved the city. For this, however, he was fined $1000 by Judge Hall, which he peaceably paid, out of his own funds. The "beauty" of the city, soon raised the "booty" of a fine to remunerate their deliverer; which he received on no other conditions, than that it should be given to the widows and orphans of those who died in camp.

and it will

General Jackson has been represented, by his enemies, as deficient in the art of writing; I know not for what. All of his officials, addresses, and epistles, that I have seen, are masculine and luminous, and, when he has done, he leaves off. To say that he can compress as many rich ideas on a small piece of paper, and leave nothing obscure, as Jefferson did, would be saying that of him which no man on earth merits. The valor of his pen, and the valor of his sword, have both been tested; impress the reader of his exploits, that no difficulty which he has as yet encountered, was strong enough to draw out all his energies; no chair large enough for him; he would spread over it on every side. Self-taught, he has made himself. Indeed, if a man cannot make himself, he cannot keep himself, after others have made him. It is folly to attempt to hold up a man to whom God has given no legs.

It is the cant of the times, that Jackson will be an awkward president, and make many blunders. It may be so; but his opportunity has been as great to inform himself of the usages of courts and ambassadors, as was that of Washington; and he never blundered into the ditch. But these

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