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but to the work to be done; but to the Corinthians, the time (first day of the week) is particularly noticed. The work to be done was not reading the scriptures--preaching—exhortation—prophesying—praying

ing, but laying by in store as God had prospered every one.

nor singThe articles

to be laid in store, were all good things; clothing, food and money, for the poor saints in Judea. Whether this work was to be repeated on the first day of more weeks than one, is not said. The business of the day seems to have been measuring, weighing, deducting, casting, and convey. ing the proceeds to the depot, that all might be ready for Paul to receive and carry to the poor saints in Judea. If a strained construction of the text can be admitted, it looks as if the Corinthians had voluntarily selected the first day of the week to meet together, to perform those duties which are of a social nature; which agreement Paul was acquainted with, and in order to economise time, he directs them to carry their donations with them to the place of their gathering together. This interpretation of the text, does not correspond with the views of those who believe in the sanctity of the first day of the week. To see every member of the church repairing to the place appointed for public worship, one carrying a bag of grain, another a luncheon of meat, a third a bundle of clothing, etc., etc., would appear a profanation of holy time to them.

26. Nothing appears more likely to me, than that the several churches appointed their own days to assemble together. The churches in Judea preferred their old Sabbath, the Corinthians the first day of the week, etc.; contiguous churches taking care to appoint different days, that men of leisure and piety might attend several meetings in a week. By this mode one preacher would do all the essential work that seven do on a different plan. Daily (not weekly) in the temple and in every house, they would not cease to teach and preach Jesus.

27. One man esteemeth one day above another—another esteemeth every day alike. Let every man be fully persuaded in his own mind.

The foregoing remarks are now written when I am more than 83 years old; but they contain the exercises, views and conclusions of my mind, when I was in the full vigor of those powers of mind which God was pleased to give me.

August, 1837.

28. The preparation was the day before the Sabbath in the feast of the passover. The day after the preparation, which was Sabbath, the elders and priests applied to Pilate for authority, and obtained a commission to make sure the sepulchure, seal the door, and set a watch, which they executed. How strange, that the men, who had so often condemned the Saviour for Sabbath breaking, should do it themselves!

29. Considering the laws of the states, and the long usages of this country, it is not probable that the suggestion made in the foregoing, (No.

26) will take effect until some revolution takes place in the religious department. The most that can be expected, is, that legislatures will cease making sabbatical laws, and churches decline making the observance of one day or another, or no day a test of fellowship; leaving individuals to judge and act for themselves.

30. I have only to add, that in some of my writings that have been published heretofore, I have given more credit to the arguments in favor of the appointment of the first-day Sabbath, and its general observance, than I can now admit of.

June, 1838.



Whether all events are predetermined, or a part or all of them are contingent, in either case they have succeeded each other, and brought the world into its present condition: some are in a state of splendor and freedom, and others in poverty and vassalage. The number of inhabitants in Europe is said to be 226,445,200—among whom are paupers, 18,897,333—beggars and dependent wretches, say 10,000,000, not as well clothed and fed as the slaves are in the United States. They are free only in name. In the United States there are 16,000,000 of inhabitants, of whom, in a state of slavery, are 2,000,000; paupers, say 30,000; mendicants, many; beggars, none. There is at this time considerable exertion made to have all the slaves in the United States emancipated. As I have lived fifteen years in a slave-holding state, and as my calling led me into the feelings of both master and servant, I will say a few words on the subject. To liberate them all by purchase would be a herculean jobaverage them at $100, and the sum would be $200,000,000. Among them, there would be half a million of decrepits and children, that must starve, or be added to the list of paupers. To support them with food and clothing, would be an annual tax of $25,000,000. This method of liberating them would throw an equal burden on those states and individuals that have had no profits from them, nor any interest in them.

The Israelites were slaves to Pharaoh, not to individuals; they were crown vassals; Pharaoh had the control of them; and, therefore, Moses went to Pharaoh, and demanded him to let them go. Where kings or governments establish and support a slave trade, they are responsible, and they can desist and reform. But the case in the United States is radically different. The present inhabitants, for the most part, had no hand in the traffic with Africa. Our present government makes it felony. Congress does not possess an individual slave. The slave-holders have never alienated them to government. How preposterous is it, then, to burden Congress with cart-loads of petitions to do that which they have neither the right nor power to do? The slave-holders are to be addressed: the

power lies in them alone. It is not an article to be settled by legislation among us. It belongs to the moral and religious department, and not to the legislative. Three parties are concerned in the question, viz: Godthe master—and the slave. As a friend to freedom and right, I earnestly recommend to masters to set their slaves at liberty as soon as their good, their choice, and the public safety concur. Until then, be good to them, remembering you have a Master in heaven, whose orders are, "Whatsoever you would that men should do unto you, do you even the same unto them." Make their lives as happy as circumstances will admit of. If there is a condition for them to be in, better than their present state, (where their masters are humane, just, and benevolent,) I pray the Lord, and call upon men, to bestow it upon them. With all deference to the opinions of others, I would recommend to the abolition orators to serve an apprenticeship of seven years in a slave-holding state to qualify their minds to view the question in all its bearings.

An Independent Treasury is now the order of the day. The public treasure must be placed in some depot. Our own government, (like all kingdoms, states, counties, and towns, have placed it in a treasury, over which a treasurer presides, who gives oath and bond for the faithful discharge of his trust. Not a cent of this treasure can be touched by the president, or any other man, without an appropriation of Congress—not a cent can the treasurer deal out to a friend without peculation. Would the public money be safer in the banks? The banks, by their corporate power, are so far irresponsible to the government and to the people, that they can suspend at pleasure, and withhold the money when it is the most needed, and say, "If your measures please us, we will aid you with money, but if not, you may help yourselves without money, if you can." Is this a state of things that Americans can submit to? Were it not that so many of the people in the states were bewitched with the banking system, I should boldly answer, NO. I have never yet seen why the collec tors, receivers, and disbursers of the public money, should not be punished as felonious thieves, as well as degraded as breakers of trust, if they ap propriate the money to any use not prescribed by law; nor do I see the moral justice for government to tell one man that his dollar shall be worth three, and another that his dollar shall count but one.

Young gentlemen, the time in which you live, and are destined to act your part in human affairs, is more propitious than the period of your fathers, who had to expel the enemy, establish our independence, and pay the vast debt incurred; all of which they have done, and left a rich inheritance to their children. Your eyes, your countenances, assure me that you are now resolving that you will not waste what your fathers have left you—but, by observing their sentiments, and imitating their manners, you will add thereto. Go on, and keep in view that truth, honesty, and indus

try, will conduct you through the world with reputation. Should any of you be poor, mind one rule—let your expenses be less than your income, and never put off for to-morrow what should be done to-day. Watch the measures pursued by the rulers. Legislative usurpation over the rights of individuals is as dangerous as executive patronage. Give in your votes at the polls with sentimental independence, and acquiesce in the result of the election. A majority may vote wrong, but the right of free suffrage will correct that error when it is made manifest.

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