justify her absence from the domestic altar, and her visible inattention to the solemnities of the sabbath, her altered mode of dress, her general deportment towards her former associates, and the asperity of temper with which she would occasionally allude to the rigid and puritanical habits of the circle around her, were decisive evidences of some change in her sentiments and feelings. How to account for a change so sudden and surprising seemed impossible, till, on entering her room, her mamma saw a novel lying on her toilet. Bursting into tears, she exclaimed, "O my child, my child!" To assuage the grief of her distressed parent she promised never more to read such works. For some time she felt unwilling to apply to any literary pursuits. Having lived so long in the region of fiction, associating only with ideal persons, and witnessing only marvellous occurrences, she found no pleasure either in the solemn narrations of history, the innocent amusements of poetry, or the sublime truths of the Scriptures. In this state of mental apathy she remained a considerable time, occasionally weeping over a remembrance of the happiness she enjoyed in the days of her comparative innocence. She abandoned herself to silent grief. Taking up, as she sat musing in her own room, one of the earlier numbers of her diary; her eye fixed upon the following passage. "I have spent a happy sabbath. One of the little children in my class is evincing some signs of decided piety. I feel the influence of divine truth on my heart, when listening to the discourse this morning which was on the death of Jesus. In the closet my fellowship has been with the Father. I have just finished reading Pearce's Memoirs, and the Life of Miss Anthony. Oh religion! thy ways are ways of pleasantness, and thy paths are peace. If I forget thee, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth. If I prefer not religion to my chief joy.' These remarks revived her former impressions; she wept bitterly. She reproached herself for having abused that mercy which she supposed would now be withheld; but light springing up amidst the darkness in which she was involved, she discovered the throne of grace-she drew near, confessed her transgressions unto the Lord, and besought him to accept her graciously, and love her freely. Her prayer went up for a memorial before God, the oppressive load of guilt was removed from her conscience, and the following admonitory language was indelibly impressed upon her heart; " Behold thou art made whole; sin no more lest a worse thing come unto thee." Her attachment to her earlier pursuits and habits now returned with peculiar force; the closet and the sanctuary yielded her enjoyments more refined and permanent than the delusive gratifications of the fictitions scene; but she still feels the pernicious effects of her folly. Her mind, which was once comparatively free from improper images, is now incessantly haunted by many, which the purity of her principles forbids her to retain, but which from long familiarity, she is incapable of dismissing. Such reading is the enchanted ground which you should cautiously avoid, for while gazing with interest on the imaginary personages and incidents of the plot, not only may the powers of your intellect be paralyzed, but your heart will sustain a more fatal injury, its innoçence and peace will irretrievably depart.' pp. 108-112.

Art. IX. A few Observations on Friendly Societies, and their Influence on Public Morals. By J. W. Cunningham, Vicar of Harrow, and Domestic Chaplain to the Right Hon. Lord Northwick, London.

12mo. 1817.

THIS

HIS little tract, recommended by the popular name of its Author, will be read by numbers of that class in whose hands the question he has discussed more immediately rests, and who would not venture upon a larger or more elaborate performance.

The object of it is, to shew the superiority of "Friendly "Societies," or "Benefit Clubs," over the institutions recently sanctioned and recommended by an Act of Parliament, termed Saving Banks. This superiority, Mr. Cunningham represents as primarily consisting in the loftier and more valuable principle on which the Friendly Societies are founded; inasmuch as in the one, the generous principle of assisting our neighbour as well as ourselves is brought into operation; wliereas, in the other, respect is had to nothing but the interest of self. He contends, further, that the great bulk of the population is not so likely to profit from Saving Banks, as from Friendly Societies; that, if the labouring classes should avail themselves of the former, in preference to the latter, the public benefit would be less; and lastly, that not merely the extent, but the species of benefit conferred on the community by Saving Banks, is less valuable than that couferred by Friendly Societies. We have ourselves arrived at some of Mr. Cunningham's conclusions, but it has been, we confess, by a different course of argument. His preference of Friendly Societies, arises chiefly from their presenting inducements of a higher order to the contributors. ours, on the contrary, arises from their presenting the most obvious, and intelligible inducements, and from their calling into exercise that lowest but most powerfal motive, self-interest. Indeed, we feel satisfied that the most likely way to accomplish our purposes of benevolence towards the lower classes, is to begin at this point; to conduct them by the shortest and most natural inferences, to the conclusion that industry, honesty, fore-thought, domestic attachments, and other virtues, are inseparably connected with their own temporal welfare. Having established this truth in their minds, and given this direction to their moral habits by the aid of municipal regulations having this tendency, we may then proceed to lead them on to higher principles, and appeal to them on the ground of the regard they owe to their children, their relations, their friends, and finally, their neighbours. The chief difficulty is to give this first principle its right direction. There is, however, no case in which the selfish affection necessarily terminates in itself. We think the benevolent Writer overlooks some of the most important features of human

nature, when he anticipates any dangerous increase of selfishness from the establishment of Saving Banks, and reprehends the feeling of self-interest as a detestable quality among the poor, which will rivet upon us one of the worst curses, and as degrading and impairing the national character far more than any habits of economy will raise and improve it.' To whatsoever abuses the principle of self-interest may be liable, it is still an instinct implanted within us for wise purposes; and as it is the first affection which is developed, it is, when properly directed the most powerful motive that can be made subservient to our improvement. Nor is it wise at any time, when establishing municipal institutions, to draw the rules from remote and obscure sources, which are above the level of the capacities of those for whom laws are most requisite; we should adhere as closely as possible to those more obvious obligations which may be understood by the profligate as well as the good. Mr. Cunningham seems to us not to discriminate, in pursuing his argument, between the irrational selfishness that ends where it begins, and that natural self-love, which is in the case of the mass of the population the only spring of action which can be made effectively to contribute to the general good. It is the hopeless degradation of this natural impulse, which renders it pernicious to society. The worst feature of the Poor Laws, is their tendency thus to degrade the mind; by making poverty and misery the conditions on which relief is to be obtained, they counteract the most natural motives to exertion, inducing the poor to forego the advantages of an improved condition, and tempting them even to sink themselves to that degree of distress, which gives them a legal right to parochial support, without any effort on their part to rise above it.

The labouring poor will be influenced by the advantages which the Friendly Societies present, because those advantages are larger in amount, accrue sooner, and afford relief at the only periods at which an industrious labourer has to fear standing in need of it, in sickness and old age. Besides which, it will operate in their favour, that they are already established in his good-opinion, and are understood. The superior advantages of Friendly Societies over Savings Banks, are obvious on reflection. Let us suppose, for instance, that a contributor to a Savings Bank, at the age of twenty-five, puts in one shilling weekly, being the whole that his earnings will permit him to save. This in a year will amount to £2. 12s.; in twenty years to £52, and with interest will have accumulated to £77. 8s. 6d. Should sickness visit him, during the earlier years of his contribution, his little fund would be quickly exhausted: but, if we suppose him to need assistance for the first time, (and this is as favourable a supposition as human infirmities will permit), VOL. IX. N. S.

G

at the age of forty-five; he might then draw upon his capital six shillings a week for not quite five years, at the expiration of which he would be reduced to depend upon parish support under the most aggravated disappointment. Had he, on the contrary, become a member of a Friendly Society at the same age, he would have had to advance, perhaps, one pound on admission, and to pay two shillings a month afterwards; but if, during the first year of his contribution, he had fallen sick, he would have been entitled to twelve shillings a week as long as he needed it; and when arrived at an age that should incapacitate him for labour, he would receive six shillings a week during the remainder of his life. This statement, so far as it regards the immediate interests of the married labouring poor with low wages, admits of no reply. The advantages which the Savingsbank system offers, apply in the case of accumulations for children or for purposes of trade; but these are speculations which are seldom or never contemplated by the great bulk of labourers; nor can they be, so long as the supply of labour so disproportionately exceeds the demand for it. The same objection does not, however, apply to a very valuable class of society, who are raised above pauperism, such as unmarried labourers of every description, and servants, both male and female; persons who fill stations in which, by prudence, considerable savings may be made. From the want of the encouragement, and the secure investment which these Banks hold out, such persons have frequently found themselves, under any reverse of circumstances, unable to sustain their places in society, and have sunk to the common level of the poor.

It has been objected against Friendly Societies, that many of the lower classes have probably been induced to join them from the conviviality of their frequent meetings, and it must be admitted that their intimate connexions with publicans and public-houses, is a very serious evil. On this Mr. Cunningham has dilated with his usual eloquence. There are, however, other objections of equal force, which deserve the consideration of philanthropists, and claim perhaps the attention of the Legislature. The chief of these is the power which most of these societies possess by their constitution, of dividing their property at any time they please; so that it generally happens in old institutions, that when more than an ordinary number of aged members are drawing heavily upon the box, the Society is prematurely broken up, and the amount in hand divided, and all this to prevent the old contributors from receiving their just due. It cannot be controverted, that the habits and bad education of the majority of the members, totally disqualify them for deciding on the claims of the applicants. But even were the case otherwise, and there should be no ground for the charge of intentional in

justice, the disadvantage of a young man's joining an old society is so great, that rather than do it, he would combine with others of nearly the same age, to form a new one; this in its turn becoming poor as the members grow infirm, must expire with the generation which gave it birth.

Another objection arises from the management of the property, which is generally employed in loans on very slender security, by which means great losses have frequently been sustained. This evil, however, admits of being easily remedied, since the Act which encourages the establishment of Banks for savings, affords an opportunity to Friendly Societies to invest their subscriptions as often as they receive them, on the best security.

We trust that the Writer's fears, respecting the encouragement of these Banks at the expense of Friendly Societies, are void of foundation; since, if our views are correct, they will found suited to distinct classes of society, and so far from interfering, are adapted to assist each other. The poorer classes having once experienced the benefit of prudence and foresight in a small degree, will be easily induced to make still greater exertions to improve their condition. A labourer who receives the advantage of a sixpenny weekly payment to a Friendly Society, will not, if he be wise, be content with this only resource, but will take care to provide himself a fund that shall be entirely his own, and to which he may have recourse upon any emergency. It must not be expected, however, that the first contributions to the Banks will be weekly savings, for this result is the perfection of the system. Should the time ever

arrive, when such a practice shall become general, so entire a change must have taken place in the morals and habits of the poor, as will supersede the necessity of compulsory laws to provide for their relief. We are not, however, so sanguine as to hope that either Friendly Societies or Savings Banks, will prove to be the specifics for delivering us from the calamities which have originated from the poor-laws. Mr. Malthus (whose opinion on such subjects is of the greatest weight) has expressed his conviction, that as far as the Saving-Banks go, they appear to be much the best and most likely plan which has been proposed, if they should become general, to effect a permanent improvement in the condition of the lower classes of society.' But the question is, Can they, while the system of indiscriminate relief prevails, ever become general? Will the distant and contingent benefit they present, predominate in the minds of the poor over that which is immediate and certain ? It is a prevalent mistake, into which the Reverend Author just quoted has himself fallen, that the Act to establish Savings Banks, authorises magistrates to order persons to receive pa